This paper aims to examine who was the operator of the community self-defense system(baojia) and militia(tuanlian) established around the latter part of the Qing Dynasty, a considerable amount of time after the Gaituguiliu(改土歸流) policy, and what the operator's behavior was like. To this end, the process of converting the head of ethnic traditional village organization into the security group head(保長) or tithing chief(牌長) was tracked. In addition, the role of the ‘regional general representative(總理)’ in Jiuzhai(九寨) and his conduct were revealed. Finally, we examined the above two aspects in detail through the conducts of Liu Kaihou(1836-1915), a native of Shiyinzhai(石引寨) who was in charge of administration and security in the Jiuzhai area as regional general representative between the mid-to-late Qing Dynasty and the early days of the Republican era.
Through these surveys, the following facts were confirmed. At that time, the society in the Guizhou province, including the Jiuzhai area on the northern part of the Qingshui River, was still unstable. The prevalence of successive revolts by ethnic minorities, chronic food shortages, women's kidnapping, gambling, bandits' rampant and looting were certainly negative aspects of the power vacuum that has existed in the region since the Gaituguiliu.
Therefore, the Qing government began the installation of community self-defense system and militia under the leadership of Hu Linyi at the time of Xianfeng’s reign, and by the time of Guangxu’s reign, it was universally established in the Jiuzhai. However, the leaders of the local government-led community self-defense system and militia were dominated by influential families who exerted their own influence early in minority communities and were also the heads of traditional autonomous organizations. One of the positions of Liu Kaihou, “leader of rural militia,” is a good evidence that the community self-defense system and militia installed under the leadership of the Qing government are connected to traditional autonomous organizations in minority communities, and that the head was also a powerful person of the organizations.
It was around the 13th year of Guangxu reign that Liu Kaihou appeared as a leading figure in the Jiuzhai area, which coincided with the period when he and his family actively began to cultivate Japanese cedar. This fact tells us that Liu Kaihou’s personal ability and his economic wealth were the background behind his strong political role in Jiuzhai. The Qing government appointed community self-defense system and militia management managers to overcome the chaos of the minority society in the Jiuzhai area as influential figures in local communities such as Liu Kaihou because they were still important in stabilizing the minority society after the Gaituguiliu. This, after all, means that despite the Qing government’s long-term efforts to improve the public order in ethnic minority areas, the political vacuum after the Gaituguiliu has not been effectively filled.
On the other hand, Liu Kaihou also committed illegal acts in the Jiuzhai area, such as unpaid debts, deliberate land disputes, gambling, and frequent litigation. This dual behavior of Liu Kaihou is an important evidence that the Qing government has failed to efficiently replace the political vacuum that occurred after the Gaituguiliu. Therefore, he was also an alternative to fill the administrative gap of the Qing government, but his misconduct is reminiscent of the emergence of a new form of ‘ethnic chieftain’.
Eventually, the Qing government carried out the Gaituguiliu in a decisive manner, but it had little room for manoeuvre, so it was forced to rely on local leaders for administration, and the Qing government's political limitations paradoxically strengthened the position of the traditional leaders in the minority society.

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