기원전 4~서기 1세기의 고고학자료로 본 흉노와 동아시아 -흉노학의 정립을 위한 토대구축을 겸하여-

강인욱 ( In Uk Kang ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-

Apparently, Xiongnu studies in recent years are awesomely increased. From 1990 to present many international cooperative excavations have been conducted in the People`s Republic of Mongolia, and Chinese scholars also autonomously investigate the Southern Xiongnu sites(mainly Inner Mongoila of China). Besides, the researches on Cis-baikal area are relatively diminished compared to the period until 1980s, when the Cis-baikal was one of most distinctive areas for Xiongnu studies. Although many attempts to shed light on the Xiongnu archaeology, the connection between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched for reasons as below. 1) historical researches are mainly based on the Chinese historical records, written actually on the diplomatic and martial actions with Xiongnu in the background of Chinese determinism. 2) most of Xiongnu excavations are concentrated on Mongol and Cis-Baikal, actually these regions belonged to Northern Xiongnu. In contrast, Southern Xiongnu are poorly researched and definition of Northern vague because of strong influence of Chinese mortuary tradition. 3) In relation with spacial inclination, most of Xiongnu tombs are dated from middle of 1st century B.C. to 1st century A.D. It means that the materials. accumulated up to now are just concerned after the spilt of Northern and Southern Xiongnu. These reasons also concern to the matter why the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched. To suggest a new perspective on Xiongnu archaeology, author suggest to actively include 4th~3th B.C., of Chinese Northern region included in Ordos Bronzes in Xiongnu archaeology. Since the Ordos bronzes could be used as the evidence of Eurasian nomad`s influence to ancient Chinese culture, the research on the Ordos Bronzes became the one of the most important ground in Chinese archaeology. Interests on the Ordos bronzes by Western and Japanese researchers did not involve serious archaeological analysis. That`s the reason why Northern Chinese zone so poorly contributed to Xiongnu archaeology. Generally, according to Chinese chronicles about Xiongnu, they formed a prominent complex society on the borderline of Northern China in 4-3th B.C. In 4-3th century B.C., in spite of absence of big barrows or fortresses, Ordos plateau, Southern Siberia(Altai region) and Western Turkestan has strong similarities in gold prestige goods as crown, diadem, and monstrous animal style ornaments. We can assume that if we include Northern Chinese regions in 4-3th B.C. centuries, then we could manage to discuss the whole cultural change of Xiongnu. Furthermore, this conception of `widened` Xiongnu area could shed light on the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia. Most of researchers on the Xiongnu archaeology concentrate on the barrows in Mongolia dated from 1th B.C., but Kochosun(Old Chosun). which was believed to have close relation with Xiongnu, were collapsed by Han Dynasty in 108 B.C., until the flourish of nowaday well-known Xiongnu tombs. So, in this article, author suggest to expand Xiongnu chronological range until 4th century B.C., and spacial range to Ordos plateau and neighboured steppe region of North China. In this case, we can trace the relationship between Xiongnu, dynasty Yan, and Kochosun(or lute-shaped dagger culture of Manchuria). Xinzhuangtu tomb No.30 in Yanxiatu revealed many steppe style gold plaque and gold gilt daggers with Korean style spear of halberd type Ge. Like this, new perspective on Xiongnu studies could be founded if we give more contributions on Xiongnu and East Asian relations. After the power of Xiongnu dissolved in 1st century A.D., previously subordinated peoples as Xianbi, Wuhuan, Wusun rose in the Eurasia steppes and opened medieval age in Eurasia. As long as Northern type materials found in Korea are dated to Xiongnu age or slightly later, we need to give more attention to contemporary studies on Xiongnu.

조위(曹魏), 서진시기(西晉時期) 병주(幷州) 흉노사회(匈奴社會) -오호십륙국(五胡十六國)의 전주곡(前奏曲)-

정재훈 ( Jae Hun Jeong ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-

In AD 47, Southern Xiongnu(南匈奴) that was formed centering on the group that moved south around the Great Wall of China lived separately after the division of Xiongnu and served as the defender of Han(漢) Dynasty. After that, Xianbi(鮮卑) tribe became powerful after the collapse of Northern Xiongnu(北匈奴) in AD 91, so many groups of Xiongnu from Mongol steppe migrated to the northern area of Great Wall of China. Due to that reason, the area of Great Wall of China was in confusion due to conflicts between various ethnic groups but it was increasingly stabilized. Southern Xiongnu, which was developed by Han Dynasty`s support and formed its power, gave rise to an internal conflict again in the late 2nd century, so key forces including Shanyu(單于) group mostly migrated to counties by centering on He-Dong(河東) province while other groups moved several provinces by centering on Bing-Zhou(幷州) province. In addition, chaotic states such as Bandits of Yellow flag(Huang-jin-Zei, 黃巾賊)`s uprising in the 180s and northern immigrants who moved south were made so that Southern Xiongnu caused inner divisions again and the key force group expelled from their stronghold held their own ground by uniting with Yuan-Shao(袁紹), but finally was controlled by Cao-Cao(曹操) who took the northern part. After that, Xiongnu failed to form the big power and was under the control of Bing-Zhou and He-Dong province. Later, Xiongnu lived in Bing-Zhou province in better environment than the edge of north by farming instead of Chinese people who moved south in the Later Han Dynasty. Cao-Cao, a person in power, firstly separated Shanyu from their own tribe and weakened power and at the same time divided groups to live separately. The control of each group was given to the own heads, so Xiongnu who lived in Bing-Zhou province was divided but many town heads were internally developed on behalf of Shanyu`s power. Like this, Cao-Cao`s controlling of Xiongnu aimed to stabilize them that was the mounted army with excellent military ability during the situation of unification war and to smoothly mobilize it. When clan of Si-Ma came to power in the late Cao-Wei Dynasty, Liu-Bao(劉豹), a chief of Xiongnu group, increased power and tried to unify Bing-Zhou Xiongnu groups. With such a movement, Si-Ma-Yan(司馬炎) unified the three nations and Argument of barbarian`s emigration(徙戎論) was strongly recommended to solve threat of immigrants, but Si-Ma-Yan(Wu-ti, 武帝) didn`t accept it. Si-Ma-Yan rather repressed the uprising of Liu-Bao, divided Bing-Zhou Xiongnu groups into five, and tried to separate the power by making Du-Wei(都尉), the Chinese official position for control. Besides, Si-Ma-Yan captured former Shanyu`s descendant, Liu-Yuan(劉淵), in Luo-Yang(洛陽) to prevent his stronger power. This was a realistic method of preventing the unity of Xiongnu while might strongly control them. However, such a countermeasure of the Royal Court was not successful as the reign of Xi-Jin(西晉) collapsed without time enough to change the power relationship inside the Xiongnu groups. On the other hand, Liu-Yuan took the chance and returned to Shan-Xi(山西) so it founded the new country in central districts on the basis of Xiongnu`s own tribe organization system. As a result, so-called Wu-Hu-Shi-Liu(五胡十六國) era has begun.

고고학 자료로 본 흉노의 철기문화 : 중국 중원계 철기와의 비교를 중심으로

문재범 국립문화재연구원 2013 헤리티지:역사와 과학 Vol.46 No.4

현재의 몽고와 바이칼(Baikal) 호 서부, 투바(Tuva), 카자흐스탄(Kazakhstan), 중국 황하 상류 지구 및 신강(新 疆) 등 광대한 지역에 분포했던 흉노의 철기문화는 전체적으로 유목문화의 특징을 선명하게 보여주고 있다. 철 기제조기술 발생 이후 농업경제 위주의 중국 중원지구에서는 식량생산량의 증가가 명백하게 일어났다. 이것은 철제 농공구가 청동제 농공구에 비하여 내마모성과 인장강도가 강하며 파손 시 수리가 용이한 점 등 농경에 더 욱 적합한 기계적 성능을 지녔기 때문이다. 때문에 농경지구에서는 다양한 철제 농경도구가 생산되었다. 그러나 흉노는 유목경제에 기초하고 있었기 때문에 철제생산도구의 사용이 유발하는 식량 생산력의 증가와 생산구조 의 변화 정도가 높지 않았다. 다만, 군사·무기 방면에서의 변화는 비교적 컸다. 철기제작기술 보급 이후 원사무 기(遠射武器) 위주의 흉노 무기 체계의 위력이 눈에 띄게 강해졌다. 게다가 이 시기에 흉노가 말 위에서 활을 쏘 며 돌격하는 기사전술(騎射戰術)을 적극 활용하면서 흉노의 철제무기의 위력은 더욱 배가되었다. 이처럼 철기 가 생산도구의 생산성 향상에 미친 영향보다 전쟁무기의 성능 향상에 미친 영향이 더욱 컸던 것이 유목경제를 기반으로 하고 있는 흉노 철기문화의 중요한 특징 중 하나이다. 비록 중국 중원계 철기문화의 영향력이 강하기는 하나 두 지역의 자연환경과 경제구조의 차이가 크기 때문에 철기문화가 발생한 이후 중원지역과 흉노지역은 사회 발전 방향의 차이가 발생했으며, 이러한 점은 철기문화에 도 그대로 반영되어 나타난다. 철기제작기술이 전래된 뒤에도 흉노는 자신들의 경제방식을 계속 유지하였다. 때 문에 그들이 사용했던 철제 생산도구는 앞선 시기의 청동제 생산도구와 형태상의 변화가 거의 없으며 흉노의 영역 내에서 철기문화의 공통성은 광범위하게 유지되었다. In China, archaeological research on Xiongnu started later than in foreign countries. In the late 19th century, several Russian archaeologists started to study Xiongnu’s archaeological culture. However, since the late 20th century, archaeological research of the Xiongnu in China quickly gained speed. The Xiongnu culture has been reported in Mongolia, northern steppe of China and eastern part of Eurasian steppe. Mainly, Xiongnu sites, dated from the late 2nd century B.C. to the 1st century A.D., are reported on the west side of Baikal Lake(Zabaikal), Mongolia and the Inner Mongolia of China. Based on the historical records and the archaeological remains, the North Xiongnu culture is defined to be the remains of Zabaikal, and the South Xiongnu culture the archaeological remains of Northern China. The expelled North Xiongnu, while fleeing to the western part of Eurasia, left traces of their own archaeological remains in southern Kazakhstan, Xinjiang of China, Altai, and finally appeared in the Europe as Huns. In order to adapt to the environment of northern steppe of China, Xiongnu used a nomadic economic system, giving uniqueness to its iron works. The most characteristic iron works of the Xiongnu is the highlysophisticated iron weapons. Compared with the iron works of agricultural economic society, Xiongnu ironworks are short of production tools and various vessels. The “Nomadic type” iron works found in Xiongnu area date back to the Warring Country period or slightly later. Further research need to be conducted on “Nomadic type” Xiongnu iron works.

흉노 고분 출토 칠이배 : 생산, 유통 그리고 용도

양은경(Eun Gyeng Yang) 한국상고사학회 2021 한국상고사학보 Vol.114 No.114

필자는 이번 연구에서 흉노 칠이배는 자체 생산품은 없으며 한나라에서 제작된 제품이라는 결론을 우선적으로 도출한 후, 역으로 그 연구대상을 흉노 출토품에만 국한시키지 않고 한나라 본토와 낙랑, 남월, 하서지역 고분 출토 칠이배까지 비교대상으로 포함시켜 고찰해 보았다. 또한 본고에서는 흉노 고분에서 발견된 칠이배의 현상과 명문 내용을 중점적으로 소개하던 기존의 연구방법에서 벗어나 생산지를 포함한 유통 그리고 용도에 대해서도 고찰하면서 최종적으로는 매장의례를포함한 고분문화까지 살펴보고자 노력하였다. 우선 생산지를 파악하기 위해 몽골 경내 흉노 고분에서 출토된 칠이배 중 명문과 보존상태가 양호한 6점을 기준으로 내용을 살펴보았다. 그 결과 한나라 수도 장안에 소재한 고공에서 생산한 제품이 사천지역 생산품보다 상대적으로 더욱 많다는 것을 알게 되었다. 이러한 사실은 중국 본토와 낙랑, 남월지역에서 발견된 한나라 칠이배는 사천지역 촉군서공과 광한군공 생산품이 장안 고공 제품보다더욱 우위를 차지하는 것과는 다른 내용으로 판단하였다. 또한 옻나무의 서식지와 모방제품 유무를기준으로 판단하여도 흉노 칠이배는 자체 생산은 힘들었을 것으로 추정하였다. 이러한 흉노의 양상은낙랑, 남월지역 칠이배가 수입품 이외에 자체 생산품도 존재하였던 내용과는 다른 것으로 판단하였다. 흉노 고분 출토 칠이배의 생산지를 고찰하는 과정에서 이배의 제작 시기가 B.C. 1세기에 집중되어있는 사실에 주목하게 되었으며, 그 원인에 대해 추적해 보았다. 그 결과 B.C. 1세기 한 무제가 집정한 이후 흉노 선우와 왕자, 귀족들이 빈번하게 장안을 방문 혹은 입조하였던 역사기록에 주목하게 되었다. 또한 입조 당시 흉노인들은 한나라로부터 공식적으로 물품을 사여 받은 것 이외에 장안 상림원에 위치한 건장궁, 포도궁 등에 거주하면서 각종 한나라 문물을 직접 체험하였을 것으로 추정하였다. 결국 B.C. 1세기에는 앞 시기와는 달리 흉노 상층 계급인들에 의해 한나라 문물이 전래되게 되었으며, 그 문물 속에는 한나라 고분과 매장의례도 포함되었을 가능성이 있는 것으로 조심스럽게 추정해 보았다. 칠이배라는 단독 유물을 통해, 한나라 고분문화의 흉노 전래라는 필자의 가설은 다소 위험한 발상으로 생각된다. 이에 필자는 흉노 고분에서 출토된 칠이배의 용도를 고찰하는 과정을 통해, 연구자들의 동의를 구하고자 노력하였다. 특히, 필자는 흉노인들이 한나라에 요구하였거나 사여 받은조공품에는 한나라 술을 비롯하여 누룩, 고두밥 등 술을 빚는 재료들이 포함되었던 사실에 주목하였다. 결론적으로 흉노 상층 계급인들은 한나라 곡주를 좋아하였으며, 그 결과 한나라 술잔이었던이배도 함께 요구하였던 것으로 추론하였다. 또한 실생활에서 주기 혹은 식기로 사용된 칠이배는사후에는 칠반 혹은 칠안과 함께 흉노 고분에 부장되게 된 것으로 판단하였다. 다시 말해 흉노 고분에 매장된 칠이배는 한나라에서 수입된 칠기와 술이 유목민족의 매장의례 중 일부분으로 녹아들었을 가능성이 있는 것으로 추정하였다.남월지역에서 발견된 한나라 칠이배는 사천지역 촉군서공과 광한군공 생산품이 장안 고공 제품보다더욱 우위를 차지하는 것과는 다른 내용으로 판단하였다. 또한 옻나무의 서식지와 모방제품 유무를기준으로 판단하여도 흉노 칠이배는 자체 생산은 힘들었을 것으로 추정하였다. 이러한 흉노의 양상은낙랑, 남월지역 칠이배가 수입품 이외에 자체 생산품도 존재하였던 내용과는 다른 것으로 판단하였다. 흉노 고분 출토 칠이배의 생산지를 고찰하는 과정에서 이배의 제작 시기가 B.C. 1세기에 집중되어있는 사실에 주목하게 되었으며, 그 원인에 대해 추적해 보았다. 그 결과 B.C. 1세기 한 무제가 집정한 이후 흉노 선우와 왕자, 귀족들이 빈번하게 장안을 방문 혹은 입조하였던 역사기록에 주목하게 되었다. 또한 입조 당시 흉노인들은 한나라로부터 공식적으로 물품을 사여 받은 것 이외에 장안 상림원에 위치한 건장궁, 포도궁 등에 거주하면서 각종 한나라 문물을 직접 체험하였을 것으로 추정하였다. 결국 B.C. 1세기에는 앞 시기와는 달리 흉노 상층 계급인들에 의해 한나라 문물이 전래되게 되었으며, 그 문물 속에는 한나라 고분과 매장의례도 포함되었을 가능성이 있는 것으로 조심스럽게 추정해 보았다. 칠이배라는 단독 유물을 통해, 한나라 고분문화의 흉노 전래라는 필자의 가설은 다소 위험한 발상으로 생각된다. 이에 필자는 흉노 고분에서 출토된 칠이배의 용도를 고찰하는 과정을 통해, 연구자들의 동의를 구하고자 노력하였다. 특히, 필자는 흉노인들이 한나라에 요구하였거나 사여 받은조공품에는 한나라 술을 비롯하여 누룩, 고두밥 등 술을 빚는 재료들이 포함되었던 사실에 주목하였다. This study was initiated based on the conclusion that the lacquer ear cups of the Xiongnu were not produced by the Xiongnu people themselves but by craftsmen of the Chinese Han Dynasty. Therefore, the areas of study were not limited to the territory of the Xiongnu but also included the Han Dynasty and the areas of Lelang, Nanyue and Hexi in China. In addition, this study on the production, distribution and utilization of lacquer ear cups departs from existing research which focused mainly on the origins and development of the cups and their inscriptions. Before mentioning the details of the study, the conclusions for the three keywords of this studyare as follows: first, most lacquer ear cups with the inscription ‘Xiongnu’ were produced by craftsmen from Chang an (present-day Xi an) in Han China and mainly dare from the first century B.C.; second, the distribution of the cups was estimated based on the fact that the Chanyu (supreme ruler) and nobles of the Xiongnu visited Chang an in the first century B.C.; third, lacquer ear cups were mainly used to contain Chinese foods or alcohols; and fourth, it is estimated that the cups were buried in Xiongnu tombs due to the influence of the burial rituals of the Han Dynasty. In order to identify the production areas of the cups, their well-preserved features and inscriptions were the main criteria for this study. As a result, it was found that among the lacquer ear cups excavated from Xiongnu tombs, relatively more of them were made by craftsmen based in Chang an, the capital of the Han Dynasty, than in Sichuan. Such a finding shows the difference in the fact that the lacquer ear cups discovered in the central area of China and the Lelang and Nanyue areas were mostly made by craftsmen in Shu Han and Guanghan in Sichuan, not in Chang an. Moreover, judging from the fact that no imitation products have ever been found, and no lacquer trees grew in the territory of the Xiongnu, it is assumed that it was difficult to produce lacquer ear cups in Xiongnu - regardless of the actual inscriptions on the cups. Research on the production of lacquer ear cups excavated from the ancient tombs of the Xiongnu showed that they were mainly produced in the late first century B.C., which led to a further examination to determine the reason, the result of which shows that diplomatic relations between the Xiongnu and the Han Dynasty changed significantly after the regime of Emperor Wu of Han in the first century B.C., when Chanyus, princes, and nobles of Xiongnu frequented Chang an. It is also assumed that the people of Xiongnu received official gifts from the Han Dynasty when they attended the royal court, and that they also came into contact with the culture and products of the Han, including their clothes, cuisine, and housing, while they were staying at the royal palaces (Jianzhang Palace, Putao Palace, etc.) in Shangliyuan, Chang an. Therefore, it seems evident that the culture and products of the Han Dynasty were directly circulated by the Xiongnu elite in the late first century B.C., unlike in the previous periods, and this would have included the tomb and burial practices of the Han. Such assumptions are supported by research on the utilization of lacquer ear cups excavated from Xiongnu tombs, attempting to be agreed by other researchers. In particular, it was noted that alcohol and ingredients for making alcoholic drinks were included in the list of tributary goods which the Xiongnu were required to give to the Han Dynasty, or which the latter gave to the Xiongnu. In conclusion, it is conjectured that the upper-class Xiongnu enjoyed the grain-based wines of the Han, and that Chinese ear cups were used to serve alcohol accordingly. It is also assumed that the type of lacquer ear cups used to contain alcohol or food in daily life were also buried together with other lacquerwares in Xiongnu tombs.

위만조선(衛滿朝鮮)과 흉노(匈奴)의 `예구(穢?)` 교역(交易)

최슬기 ( Choi Seul-ki ) 한국고대학회 2017 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.52

『漢書』 韋賢傳에는 漢이 衛滿朝鮮과 전쟁을 벌인 사실에 대해“東으로 朝鮮을 쳐서, 玄?·樂浪(郡)을 세워匈奴의 왼쪽팔을 잘랐다.”고하였다. 이 때문에 일찍부터 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 관계가 상정되어 왔다. 그런데 이와 관련된 직접적인 자료가 제한적이었던 까닭에 그 구체적인 관계에 대한 논의는 진전되지 않았다. 이에 본고에서는 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 관계가 구체적으로 어떻게 전개되었는지 구명해 보고자 하였다. 기원전2세기는 衛滿朝鮮과 漢, 그리고 匈奴가 각자 세력을 확장시키며 상호교섭·충돌한 시기였다. 건국 이래 匈奴에 대하여 수세적 입장을 취한 漢은 武帝代에 정책을 전환하여 匈奴와 대규모 전쟁을 벌였다. 이 과정에서 漢이 衛滿朝鮮을 `匈奴의 왼쪽 팔`로 인식했는데 이는 匈奴를 경제적으로 지원했던 西域諸國을 `匈奴의 오른쪽 팔`이라고 본 것에 대응된다. 이를 통해 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 관계가 西域이 匈奴와 가졌던 경제적 관계에 준하는 영향력을 지닌것으로 漢人에게 인식되었다고 볼 수 있다. 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 구체적 관계를 유추할 수 있는 자료로 기원전 2세기경에 저술된 『淮南子』의 `匈奴出穢?`라는 기록이 있다. 이 穢는 前漢代사실을 전하는 『史記』, 『鹽鐵論』, 『漢書』, 『後漢書』 의 기록을 통해 검토한 결과 穢(穢?)朝鮮과 밀접한 관련이 있으며, 穢(穢?)는 朝鮮으로 인식되기도 하였던 것을 알 수 있었다. 한편 漢武帝시기에 衛滿朝鮮을 濊州로 표현한것을 통해 기원전 2세기경 濊가 衛滿朝鮮의 異稱이었음을 알 수 있다. 따라서 기원전 2세기 무렵 漢人에게 穢(濊)로 인식된 衛滿朝鮮이 匈奴와 가죽(?)을 교역했을 것이며, 이러한사실이 `匈奴出穢?`라는 기록으로 나타난 것으로 보인다. 이를 토대로 살펴보면 穢?의 실체는 `發朝鮮의 文皮`(『管子』)와 `文豹`(『三國志』 東夷傳濊條)의 사례를 고려할 때 표범 가죽이었을 것이다. 이러한 穢?는 匈奴에게 있어 교환가치나 희소가치가 높은 貴重品·奢侈品 혹은 威勢品(prestige goods)으로 여겨졌을 것이다. 그러므로 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 가죽교역은 威勢品交易이었을 가능성이 높다. 이러한 교역은 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 세력권역이 겹쳤던 遼東지역을 중심으로 이루어졌을 것이다. 당시 遼東지역은 匈奴로 인한 피해가 극심했다. 또한 衛滿이 朝鮮으로 망명한 뒤 세력을 키우기 시작한 곳도 遼東이었다. 이곳에는 당시 漢의 遼東郡이 설치되어 있었지만 武帝 이전까지는 실질적인 통제력을 발휘하지 못했다. 이에 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴가 遼東을 경유하여 穢?를 교역할 수 있었다고 판단된다. 특히 遼東을 세력기반으로 둔 匈奴의 左賢王 세력과 교역했을 것으로 보인다. 결국 『漢書』 韋賢傳의 기록은 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴가 가죽을 교역하면서 이를 기반으로 군사·정치적 우호관계를 맺었던 사실을 표현한 것으로 생각된다. 특히 본고에서 검토한 것처럼 威勢品交易을 상정한다면 양자의 정치적 관계는 더욱 밀접했을 것으로 생각된다. 이러한 관계가 衛滿朝鮮이 `匈奴의 왼쪽 팔`이었다고 표현된 것으로 볼 수 있다. According to Weixianchuan(韋賢傳) in Hanshu(漢書), the Han(漢) dynasty “cut the Xiongnu(匈奴)`s left arm by conquering Choson to the east and establishing the Xuantu(玄?), Lelang(樂浪), and other(commanderies).” This statement allowed the scholars to suggest that there was a certain relationship between Weimanchoson(衛滿朝鮮) and the Xiongnu. Still, as there is a limitation of the contextual historical records, the discussion could not progress to the point of defining their relationship in literal terms. Thus, this paper will reveal how Weimanchoson and Xiongnu literally developed their relationship. The second century B.C. was a period when Weimanchoson, the Han dynasty, and Xiongnu had expanded their territories and influence, and inevitably collided into each other. Directly after its foundation, the Han dynasty had maintained their defensive position, but changed their policy and started a large scale war against the Xiongnu during the reign of Emperor Wu(武帝). In this process, the dynasty considered Weimanchoson as the Xiongnu`s left arm, and the perspective that the Han dynasty viewed Weimanchoson as `the Xiongnu`s left arm` could be compared with the situation that the states in the west from China(西域) were called as `the Xiongnu`s right arm.` This terms indicates that the Han people realized the relationship between Weimanchoson and the Xiongnu was as strong as having an economic relationship. To suggest the literal relationship between Weimanchoson and the Xiongnu, the records in Huainanzi(淮南子), compiled in the second century B.C., is worth to pay attention; the statement in this book, “Xiongnuchuhuiqiu(匈奴出穢?; `huiqiu` comes from the Xiongnu)” is especially important. Here, the term “hui(穢; `Ye` in Korean)” could be analyzed with the same term in other historical texts in the Former Han(前漢) period. These “Hui” or “Huihao(穢?; `Yemaek` in Korean)” were closely related to Choson, and even interpreted as the same body politic as Choson in dependence of the texts. Meanwhile, considering the record in the reign of Emperor Wu that Weimanchoson was illustrated as “Huizhou(濊州; Yechu in Korean; Ye(Hui)`s province)”, it is confirmed that Ye(Hui) was another name for Weimanchoson in the second century B.C.. Thus, it is possible that Weimanchoson, known to the Han people as Hui(穢or濊), traded “qiu(?; an animal skin),” a phenomenon that reflected in the statement “Xiongnuchuhuiqiu(Ye`s animal skins comes from the Xiongnu).” Based on this hypothesis, this paper analyzed the statement from Huainanzi in the perspective of intermediate trade. In consideration of the examples such as “Palchoson(發朝鮮)`s Wenpi[文皮; a term comes from Guanzhi(管子)],” or “Wenbao[文豹; a term comes from a note on Hui(Ye), Dongyichuan”, in Sanguozhi(三國志)] “Huiqiu,” or “Hui(Ye)`s animal skin” is possibly a leopard skin. Hence, “Huiqiu” could be considered as a valuable or luxury, or prestige goods to show the political leaders` authority high in scarcity value. In other words, the trade of animal skins between Weimanchoson and the Xiongnu had a characteristic of the trade of these `prestige goods`, rather than an intermediate trade. The main stage for this trade could be the Liaodong region, a place that Weimanchoson and the Xiongnu`s spheres of influence were overlapped. At that time, the region was an area that had a large damage from the Xiongnu`s invasion, and Weiman(衛滿) started to develop his power after he defected to Choson. Although the Liaodong commandery(遼東郡) was established, it did not have enough influence over the region until the reign of Emperor Wu, which allowed Weimanchoson and the Xiongnu to have a trade of “Huiqiu” through the Liaodong Peninsula. In particular, it seems to have been trading with the 左賢王forces of Liaodong who had Liaodong as a base of power. Conclusively, the record in Weixianchuan in Hanshu was an illustration to demonstrate the Weimanchoson and the Xiongnu`s amicable political and militaristic relationship based on the trade of the animal skins. If the hypothesis in this paper that these two powers had a trade of `prestige goods` is not disapproved, the political relationship between them would be even more closely connected. The statement that Weimanchoson was the Xiongnu`s left arm, arguably, refers to this relationship.

衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 ‘穢裘’ 交易

최슬기(Choi Seul Ki) 한국고대학회 2017 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.52

According to Weixianchuan(韋賢傳) in Hanshu(漢書), the Han(漢) dynasty “cut the Xiongnu(匈奴)’s left arm by conquering Chosŏn to the east and establishing the Xuantu(玄菟), Lelang(樂浪), and other(commanderies).” This statement allowed the scholars to suggest that there was a certain relationship between Weimanchosŏn(衛滿朝鮮) and the Xiongnu. Still, as there is a limitation of the contextual historical records, the discussion could not progress to the point of defining their relationship in literal terms. Thus, this paper will reveal how Weimanchosŏn and Xiongnu literally developed their relationship. The second century B.C. was a period when Weimanchosŏn, the Han dynasty, and Xiongnu had expanded their territories and influence, and inevitably collided into each other. Directly after its foundation, the Han dynasty had maintained their defensive position, but changed their policy and started a large scale war against the Xiongnu during the reign of Emperor Wu(武帝). In this process, the dynasty considered Weimanchosŏn as the Xiongnu’s left arm, and the perspective that the Han dynasty viewed Weimanchosŏn as ‘the Xiongnu’s left arm’ could be compared with the situation that the states in the west from China(西域) were called as ‘the Xiongnu’s right arm.’ This terms indicates that the Han people realized the relationship between Weimanchosŏn and the Xiongnu was as strong as having an economic relationship. To suggest the literal relationship between Weimanchosŏn and the Xiongnu, the records in Huainanzi(淮南子), compiled in the second century B.C., is worth to pay attention; the statement in this book, “Xiongnuchuhuiqiu(匈奴出穢裘; ‘huiqiu’ comes from the Xiongnu)” is especially important. Here, the term “hui(穢; ‘Ye’ in Korean)” could be analyzed with the same term in other historical texts in the Former Han(前漢) period. These “Hui” or “Huihao(穢貉; ‘Yemaek’ in Korean)” were closely related to Chosŏn, and even interpreted as the same body politic as Chosŏn in dependence of the texts. Meanwhile, considering the record in the reign of Emperor Wu that Weimanchosŏn was illustrated as “Huizhou(濊州; Yechu in Korean; Ye(Hui)’s province)”, it is confirmed that Ye(Hui) was another name for Weimanchosŏn in the second century B.C.. Thus, it is possible that Weimanchosŏn, known to the Han people as Hui(穢or 濊), traded “qiu(裘; an animal skin),” a phenomenon that reflected in the statement “Xiongnuchuhuiqiu(Ye’s animal skins comes from the Xiongnu).” Based on this hypothesis, this paper analyzed the statement from Huainanzi in the perspective of intermediate trade. In consideration of the examples such as “Palchosŏn(發朝鮮)’s Wenpi[文皮; a term comes from Guanzhi(管子)],” or “Wenbao[文豹; a term comes from a note on Hui(Ye), Dongyichuan”, in Sanguozhi(三國志)] “Huiqiu,” or “Hui(Ye)’s animal skin” is possibly a leopard skin. Hence, “Huiqiu” could be considered as a valuable or luxury, or prestige goods to show the political leaders’ authority high in scarcity value. In other words, the trade of animal skins between Weimanchosŏn and the Xiongnu had a characteristic of the trade of these ‘prestige goods’, rather than an intermediate trade. The main stage for this trade could be the Liaodong region, a place that Weimanchosŏn and the Xiongnu’s spheres of influence were overlapped. At that time, the region was an area that had a large damage from the Xiongnu’s invasion, and Weiman(衛滿) started to develop his power after he defected to Chosŏn. Although the Liaodong commandery(遼東 郡) was established, it did not have enough influence over the region until the reign of Emperor Wu, which allowed Weimanchosŏn and the Xiongnu to have a trade of “Huiqiu” through the Liaodong Peninsula. In particular, it seems to have been trading with the 左賢王forces of Liaodong who had 『漢書』韋賢傳에는漢이 衛滿朝鮮과전쟁을벌인사실에대해“東으로 朝鮮을쳐서, 玄菟·樂浪(郡)을 세워匈奴의 왼쪽팔을 잘랐다.”고하였다. 이때문에 일찍부터衛滿朝鮮과匈奴의 관계가 상정되어 왔다. 그런데 이와 관련된 직접적인 자료가 제한적이었던 까닭에 그 구체적인 관계에 대한 논의는 진전되지 않았다. 이에 본고에서는 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 관계가 구체적으로 어떻게 전개되었는지 구명해 보고자 하였다. 기원전2세기는 衛滿朝鮮과 漢, 그리고 匈奴가 각자세력을확장시키며 상호교섭·충돌한 시기였다. 건국이래匈奴에대하여 수세적 입장을 취한漢은武帝代에정책을전환하여匈奴와 대규모 전쟁을 벌였다. 이 과정에서 漢이 衛滿朝鮮을 ‘匈奴의 왼쪽 팔’로 인식했는데 이는匈奴를 경제적으로 지원했던 西域諸國을 ‘匈奴의 오른쪽 팔’이라고 본 것에 대응된다. 이를통해 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 관계가 西域이 匈奴와 가졌던 경제적 관계에 준하는 영향력을 지닌 것으로 漢人에게 인식되었다고 볼 수 있다. 衛滿朝鮮과匈奴의구체적관계를유추할수있는자료로기원전2세기경에저술된 『淮南子』의 ‘匈奴出穢裘’라는 기록이 있다. 이 穢는 前漢代 사실을 전하는 『史記』 , 『鹽鐵論』 , 『漢書』 , 『後漢書』 의 기록을 통해 검토한 결과 穢(穢貉)朝鮮과밀접한 관련이 있으며, 穢(穢貉)는朝鮮으로 인식되기도 하였던 것을 알 수 있었다. 한편 漢武帝시기에 衛滿朝鮮을 濊州로 표현한 것을 통해 기원전 2세기경 濊가 衛滿朝鮮의 異稱이었음을 알 수 있다. 따라서 기원전 2세기 무렵 漢人에게 穢(濊)로 인식된 衛滿朝鮮이 匈奴와 가죽(裘)을 교역했을 것이며, 이러한사실이 ‘匈奴出穢裘’라는 기록으로 나타난 것으로 보인다. 이를 토대로 살펴보면 穢裘의 실체는 ‘發朝鮮의 文皮’( 『管子』 )와 ‘文豹’(『三國志』 東夷傳濊條)의사례를 고려 할 때 표범 가죽이었을 것이다. 이러한 穢裘는 匈奴에게 있어 교환가치나 희소가치가높은貴重品·奢侈品혹은 威勢品(prestige goods)으로여겨졌을것이다. 그러므로 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 가죽교역은 威勢品交易이었을 가능성이 높다. 이러한 교역은 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴의 세력권역이 겹쳤던 遼東지역을 중심으로 이루어졌을 것이다. 당시 遼東지역은 匈奴로 인한 피해가 극심했다. 또한 衛滿이 朝鮮으로 망명한 뒤 세력을 키우기 시작한 곳도 遼東이었다. 이곳에는 당시 漢의 遼東郡이 설치되어 있었지만 武帝이전까지는 실질적인 통제력을 발휘하지 못 했다. 이에 衛滿朝鮮과 匈奴가 遼東을 경유하여 穢裘를 교역 할 수 있었다고 판단된다. 특히 遼東을 세력기반으로 둔 匈奴의左賢王세력과 교역했을 것으로 보인다. 결국 『漢書』 韋賢傳의기록은 衛滿朝鮮과匈奴가가죽을교역하면서이를기반으로 군사·정치적 우호관계를 맺었던 사실을 표현한 것으로 생각된다. 특히 본고에서 검토한 것처럼 威勢品交易을 상정한다면 양자의 정치적 관계는 더욱 밀접했을 것으로 생각된다. 이러한 관계가 衛滿朝鮮이 ‘匈奴의 왼쪽 팔’이었다고 표현된 것으로 볼 수 있다.

서한(西漢)의 서역변강정책(西域邊疆政策)

장석재 ( Chang Seog Jae ) 중국사학회 2018 중국사연구 Vol.115 No.-

Prior to the Han’s advance, people in many countries in the Western Regions lived a settled existence in most cases and they had castles, fields, and livestock. They were different from the Xiongnu Wusun, but all of them were subjected to the Xiongnu. Therefore, the Han’s advance into the Western Regions meant a war against the Xiongnu, which was dominating the northwestern border area of the Han. In the early days after foundation, the Han was not stable politically, economically, or militarily. The Han maintained humiliating friendly relationships with the Xiongno, which was dominating the northwestern border area, while offering gold, cotton and, colored silk every year. China entered a new stage during the reign of Wudi, who ascended the throne after ‘the rule of Wenjing.’ Wudi firmed up the centralized power system to construct the power base stably internally and established a foundation of a multi-ethnic feudal state centering on Han Chinese, through the expansion of territories mobilizing the armed forces externally. The Han’s exchange with the Western Regions occupies an important position in the history of east and west traffic and the history of the Western Regions. The basic framework of Chinese northwestern border area policies was also established at this time, and this framework still has important implications in relation to border area issues. In order to understand the basic framework of Chinese border area policies, the view of Heaven’s will(天命觀) since the Western Zhou Dynasty period should be examined. The view of Heaven’s will refers to the proxy rule of the world by a son of Heaven, who is a representative of Heaven. Therefore, the world in the Western Zhou Dynasty period meant the range ruled by a son of Heaven based on Heaven’s will. According to this order, only the world acknowledging the order of the son of Heaven was ‘China(華).’ Xiongnu existed in the marginal area of China. The unified Empire Han made Confucianism into its ideology of ruling. As Confucianism was adopted as national studies during the reign of Wudi, Confucianism was reflected on political ideas in the form of idealized China and barbarian thought and Feudalism. Accordingly, the Emperor emerged as the only ruler in the world who receives Heaven’s will and deputizes Heaven’s intentions, and the ruling territory of the Han was expanded into the world including Yixia(夷夏). Accordingly, political organizations were constructed into the inside the boundary(內藩) and outside the boundary(外藩) under the emperor at the summit and the ruling territory was defined. The inside the boundary area is composed of the county regions directly ruled by the emperor, the kingdoms of feudal lords, and the states of feudal lords. This area was where all of the emperor’s virtue, manners, and laws are effective. The outside the boundary area refers to the regions directly ruled by the chiefs of barbarians, who are politically and militarily independent and the emperor’s ruling power did not directly reach these regions. In these regions, only the civilizing influences of the emperor such as manners and virtues were effective. This study explored the Earlier Han’s strategies to manage the Western Regions and the strategies’ effects on later generations. Thereafter, because this study was conducted from the viewpoint of the history of border area ruling, in this paper, first, the processes of opposition, struggles, and wars between the Han and the Xiongno undergone over the Western Regions were described and second, with what political means and strategies the Han subjugated various countries in the Western Regions and how the Han ruled the countries were examined for the 80 years from the beginning of the Han’s advance into the Western Region to the establishment of the Protectorate of the Western Regions and for the period after the establishment of the Protectorate of the Western Regions to the period of Wangmang(王莽). The Han’s management of the Western Regions is a process of acquiring and controlling colonies by a powerful nation from the people of a small and weak power. China gave the feudalist idea in the idealized form termed China centric world order to the process to interpret the process as a process of the expansion of the territory and the establishment of a multi-national state and mentions this as a tradition and feature of Chinese diplomacy. Considering whether this idea could be realized even when China is weak, analyzing the border area policies of China in early days is thought to be meaningful work. For the ancient Chinese state of which Chang'an was the capital, the stabilization of the northwestern border area was an important issue directly connected to the security of the dynasty. Although the Xiongnu power had been a serious threat to the Han since the early days of the foundation of the country, the Han, which was relatively weak, had no choice but to use friendly relation strategies. The Han, that had been building up its power behind the friendly relation strategies, began to exert its power during the reign of Wudi. Wudi raised the army for the subjugation of the Xiongnu while dispatching Zhang jian to Dayue clan and Wusun clan two times. This opened the road between the Han and the Western Regions. This road, which has an important meaning in the history of east-west traffic and the history of the Western Regions, became the road for the Han’s ruling of most countries in the Western Regions instead of the Xiongnu 80 years later. The modern meaning of the Han’s ruling of the Western Regions is a powerful nation’s colonial ruling of weaker nations. However, the history of China has given the feudalist idea in the form of a Chinese world order. Since then, ‘universal unification(天下一統)’, which means the expansion of the territory and the establishment of a multi-ethnic unified nation, has become an important feature of Chinese foreign relations. The purpose of Zhangjian's first dispatch of troops to the Western Regions was military and strategic one to suppress the Xiongnu by pincer attacks with Dayue clan. However, from the second dispatch of troops, the purpose was changed into spreading the virtue of the son the Heaven to the foreign areas where customs were different. The next step was to open roads for exchanges with many countries in the Western Regions and secure regions necessary in terms of strategies. The targets were Loulan, Gushi, Dawan, and Wusun. Therefore, the Han secured the southern road to the Western Regions through attacks on Loulan and Gushi and informed the status of the son of Heaven of the Han to many countries in the Western Regions and obtained the specialties of the Western Regions such as fine steeds with the first and second attacks on Dawan. Marital policies were also used. Wusun, which was dominating the traffic road at that time, was a strategically important country to fight against the Xiongnu forces. The Han tried to conciliate Wusun with a marital policy. The marital policy, which began in the reign of Wudi, continued for a long time even after the death of Wudi and eventually Wusun betrayed the Xiongnu and became a subordinate state of the Han. Originally, Cheshi(Gushi) was the hub of traffic to the Western Regions. After the subordination of Loulan and Wusun to the Han, the Xiongnu was desperate to secure Cheshi because it could dominate various countries in the Western Regions only through Cheshi. The offensive and defensive battles between the Han and the Xiongnu were fierce. The surrender of the Rizhu king xianxian dan who was responsible for Xiongnu’s management of the Western Regions in the third year of Shenjue was a ground-breaking event. The Han not only recovered Cheshi, which had been occupied by the Xiongnu, but also seized the Western Regions at once in place of the Xiongnu. The Han also secured the traffic road going along the southern slope of Tianshan to the west and the road going from Cheshi feudal lord state to the basin of Yili he on the west. The Han installed the Protectorate of the Western Regions in Wulei Castle. The Han’s establishment of the Protectorate of the Western Regions indicates that the Han's attacks on the Western Regions succeeded decisively and the Han became to dominate the Western Regions. Thereafter, the Han has managed the subordinated countries with its own idealized feudalist idea termed Chinese World Order. The Kings and major government officials of the countries under the jurisdiction of the Protectorate of the Western Regions received approving seals given by the Han’s Royal Court. The five countries, Kangguo, Dayuezhi, Anxi, Jibin, and Wuyishanli, were not subjected to the Protectorate of the Western Regions because they were too far away. In addition, moving nations, which were small nomadic nations that were moving along the water plant and the sheep, were not known where controlled by the Protectorate of the Western Regions. What is important is that the investiture order implemented in the Western Regions at this time became the prototype of Chinese border area policies. The Earlier Han’s ruling of the Western Regions means the expansion of the territory. At that time, the territory was a vast area ranging from the west of Dunhuang to the north of the Pamir Plateau and the Kharakorum mountains and the east and south of Lake Balash. Did the people of the Western Regions willingly accept the rule of Earlier Han? The records about ‘Protectorate General Danqin’, ‘Guju and Tangdou’ and ‘Xuzhili’ made during the period of Wangmang, which is negatively evaluated in the Shishu, indicate that the Han’s rule of various countries in the Western Regions was coercive. Although it does not appear in the records before the Wangmang period, given the conflicts between the Protectorate of the Western Regions and various countries in the Western Regions, it cannot be regarded that the people in the Western Regions willingly accepted the rule by the Protectorate of the Western Regions. Because ‘China’ neglected ‘barbarians’, the rule could not but be coercive and the resultant repulsion was natural.

흉노 마차의 특징과 성격

강나리 한국대학박물관협회 2023 고문화 Vol.101 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine the structure of two-wheeled chariots excavated from the Xiongnu’s great tombs so far and to examine the possibility that the Xiongnu’s produced their own chariots. Two-wheel chariots are mainly excavated from the elite tombs of the Xiongnu. However, the excavation of Chikhertyn Zoo 201, which corresponds to an earlier period, revealed that the Xiongnu also buried a four-wheel chariot in the tomb. In addition, by looking at the chariots expressed in petroglyphs and white bark containers, it can be estimated that there were various types of chariots, such as two-wheel chariots with shades installed, but also those in which all sides of the chariot box were closed. The chariot fittings and harnesses excavated from Xiongnu include representative bits, horse masks, end-fittings of a chariot parasol, axle cap, and wheel hub. It is noteworthy that Xiongnu’s unique chariot fittings and harnesses are excavated. In Xiongnu, chariot tools made by mixing materials are excavated, which is different from those made by using a single material, excavated from the Han Dynasty of the Jungwon and the northern part of the Korean Peninsula. The chariot of the Xiongnu, which was made by mixing materials, has been excavated with bits and end-fittings of a chariot parasol. In summary, it is highly probable that various types of chariots existed in the Xiongnu before the two-wheeled chariots excavated from large tombs. In addition, the chariot fittings and harnesses manufactured by mixing materials excavated only from the Xiongnu is a harness manufacturing technique that is not seen in the chariot in the surrounding area of the same period. From this, it is judged that there is a high possibility that the chariots excavated from the great tombs of the Xiongnu were produced by the Xiongnu themselves, contrary to the existing opinion that they were the chariots of the Han Dynasty. 본 연구의 목적은 지금까지 흉노의 대형무덤에서 출토된 2륜마차를 모두 한식 마차로 여겨온 것에 대해 흉노 마차의 구조를 살펴본 뒤 흉노 무덤에서 출토된 차마구를 검토하여 흉노가 자체적으로 마차를생산하였을 가능성에 대해서 알아보는 데 있다. 흉노 귀족묘에서는 주로 2륜마차가 출토된다. 그러나 보다 이른 시기에 해당하는 치헤르틴 저(Chikhertyn zoo) 201호의 발굴을 통하여 흉노가 4륜마차 또한 무덤에 부장하였다는 것이 밝혀졌다. 또한 암각화, 백화수피제 용기 등에 표현된 마차를 보아 차양을 설치한 2륜마차뿐만 아니라 차상의 사방이 다 막혀 있는 형태 등 다양한 형태의 마차가 존재하였음을 추정할 수 있다. 흉노에서 출토되는 차마구는 대표적으로 재갈, 마면, 개궁모, 차축두, 차관 등이 있다. 주목할 점은 흉노만의 특징적인 차마구가 출토된다는 것이다. 흉노에서는 재질을 혼용하여 제작하는 차마구가 출토되는데, 재갈과 개궁모가 출토된다. 동시기 중원의 한나라와 한반도 북부에서 출토되는 차마구는 단일 재질을 사용하여 제작하기 때문에 흉노와는 양상을 달리한다. 종합하면 흉노는 대형묘에서 출토되는 2륜마차 이전에 이미 다양한 형태의 마차가 존재하였을 가능성이 높다. 또한 흉노에서만 출토되고 있는 재질을 혼용하여 제작한 차마구는 동시기 주변지역 차마구에서는 보이지 않는 마구 제작기법이다. 이를 통해 보아 흉노의 대형묘에서 출토되는 2륜마차는 한식마차라는 기존의 견해와는 달리 흉노에서 자체적으로 마차를 생산하였을 가능성이 높다고 판단된다.

몽골 출토 흉노시대 금속공예품 연구

주경미 동국대학교 신라문화연구소 2011 신라문화 Vol.37 No.-

In this paper, I examine the ancient metal works excavated from many Xiongnu tombs located in modern Mongolia territory, in attempt to understand the Ancient Nomadic tribe Xiongnu. Ancient Xiongnu tribes built a great empire in the Northern Eurasian continent from the third century B.C. to the second century A.D. They produced many various metal objects made of gold, silver, bronze, gilt-bronze and iron, with the help of their high quality metal techniques. Here I divided the Xiongnu metal works into eight categories according to their usages, which are ①Harness, ②Carriage Accessories, ③Weapon, ④Jewelery, ⑤Metal Container, ⑥Mirror, ⑦Coffin Accessories, ⑧Others. In addition, I researched their techniques and meanings in relation with their material qualities. Ancient Xiongnu metal craftmen knew the developed hammering and forging techniques and high skilled repoussé techniques for either iron or other metals such as gold and silver. They could make gold ornaments encrusted with precious stones, or decorated with gold granulations. Also they used special tools for the fish-row technique and raindrop pattern technique to engrave special patterns on gold and silver sheets, which are very rare techniques in other ancient East Asia. Xiongnu peoples used to make iron jewelry in the same workshop, where they made metal objects with both iron and nonferrous metals. The ancient Xiongnu tombs have been thought as an origin of the ancient Silla tombs because of their similarities in terms of tomb structures, the deposits of gold ornaments and iron harnesses. However, we cannot prove their racial relationship, for Silla and Xiongnu were very far from each other in space and time. The cultural relationship between Silla and Xiongnu only can be understood with the existence of Nangnang (Ch. Lelang) culture, which flourished in the northern Korean Peninsula during the same period with Xiongnu empire, and had many affinities in their metal techniques and usages with ancient Xiongnu culture.

흉노 고리형 무덤의 기원 연구 -구조적 요소를 중심으로-

변영환 ( Byun Young-hwan ) 경희대학교 인문학연구원 2017 인문학연구 Vol.0 No.34

흉노는 기원전 4세기 무렵부터 중국 사서에 등장하며, 현재의 몽골, 러시아 남부 및 중국 내몽골 지역을 중심으로 점차 세력을 확장하여 기원전 3세기 무렵 중앙아시아 최초의 유목국가를 설립하였다. 최근 흉노의 사회상과 문화상을 이해하기 위한 새로운 접근들이 시도되고 있음에도 불구하고 흉노 초기의 무덤에 대해서 잘 알려져 있지 않았다. 이에 본고에서는 흉노의 일반적인 무덤 형태인 고리형 무덤의 출현 시점과 축조 배경을 찾아보고, 이전 시기의 무덤들과 어떠한 관계가 있는지를 살펴보고자 하였다. 흉노 고리형 무덤의 출현 배경과 기원에 대해서는 오르도스 지역의 문화를 바탕으로 하였다고 이해하는 `선흉노문화론`과 몽골의 청동기시대 판석묘를 기반으로 하였다는 견해로 대별된다. 본고는 흉노의 발흥과 관련된 기원전 5~3세기경 몽골 북부와 시베리아 남부지역, 중북 북방 지역에 존재하였던 무덤들의 구조적 요소 검토를 통해 그 배경을 살펴보고자 하였다. 먼저 몽골 북부와 시베리아 남부 지역을 살펴보면, 청동기시대 이후 히르기수르와 판석묘가 주요 묘제로 사용되었는데, 기원전 5세기 무렵에 히르기수르가 소멸하고 판석묘만 남게 되면서 흉노의 기본 묘제로 채택되었다. 흉노초기 무덤과 판석묘는 차이점이 적고 구조적으로 동일성을 보이고 있는데, 이는 두 무덤 사이에 문화적 연속성이 존재함과 동시에 무덤 축조 집단 사이에 민족적 연결이 탄탄하였음을 보여주는 것이다. 반면 중국 북방 지역의 경우, 토광묘 계열의 묘제가 중심을 이루고 있어 흉노 고리형 무덤과는 구조적 차이점이 적지 않음을 알 수 있다. 유목문화와 정착문화라는 서로 다른 지역 및 문화권에 존재하였던 묘제는 진한 교체기 등 중국의 정치적 혼란기 동안 많은 이주민이 유입되면서 변화가 나타난다. 특히 몽골 북부와 시베리아 남부의 판석묘를 계승한 흉노 고리형 무덤의 경우 묘광의 장축 방향과 피장자의 두향의 등에서 뚜렷한 변화가 확인된다. 하지만 이러한 변화는 기원전후한 시기까지도 동일 무덤군 내에 방향성이 다른 두 유형의 무덤이 공존하는 것으로 볼 때 동시기에 급격하게 진행된 것이 아니며, 강제성을 띤 사회적 규범이라기보다는 각각의 무덤 축조 집단의 자발적인 수용에 의한 결과라고 할 수 있다. Xiongnu appeared in Chinese historical record in 4th century B.C., and established the first nomadic nation in 3rd century B.C. They have huge expansion through current Mongolia, southern Russia and Inner Mongolia. The Xiongnu tombs, though had several new access to understand social and cultural aspects currently, are not known so well. The purpose of this study is to find out the appearance time and construction background of Xiongnu tombs, and to see the relation between the previous tombs. There are two thesis for the appearance of Xiongnu tombs. One is the "Theory of previous Xiongnu culture" based on the Ordos culture, and the other is based on the slab graves of Mongolian Bronze Age. In order to analyze the Xiongnu tombs, firstly there must be comparison in the structural elements between the northern Mongolia and southern Siberia tombs, and the northern China tombs during the 5th-3rd century B.C. that both now exist. In the northern Mongolia and southern Siberia, the Khirigscuur and the slab graves type were used as the main tomb style during the Bronze Age. However when the Khirigscuur was extinct in the 5th century B.C., the other tomb type, the slab graves, was chosen as Xiongnu`s main tomb structure. There`s little difference between the slab graves and the early Xiongnu tomb, this indicates not only the cultural continuity but also the strong connection between the each group of tomb constructors. On the other hand, the pit burial form was main tomb type in the northern China, which shows structural differences with Xiongnu tombs. Two different tomb type, tombs in nomadic culture and the settlement culture, were shown some changes through the political turbulence in China and the influx of transmigrant. Especially the Xiongnu tomb that has close relation to the northern Mongolia and the southern Siberia had explicit transition in long-axis direction of tomb pit and the head direction of the dead body. This new form and the previous coexisted until 1st century A.D.. This represents there was gradual development in tomb type, it is because each group of tomb constructors had spontaneous acceptance rather than following the compulsory social norms.