한국 고대~고려 초 서해(西海) 인식의 추이 검토

현종민 ( Hyun Jongmin ) 해군사관학교 해양연구소 2025 해양역사문화 Vol.13 No.0

This study reviews what kind of sea the West Sea was perceived as in the ancient and the early of Goryeo periods of Korea. The West Sea of Baekje and Goguryeo is the western sea based on the capital city. Silla began to recognize the West Sea as its own sea during the Three Kingdoms Reunification War. During the war between Silla and Tang (唐), Silla tried to take control of the sea right of the West Sea in case the Tang crossed the West Sea. After the war, seaborne trade through the West Sea was actively carried out as diplomacy with the Tang was resumed from King Hyoso and King Seongdeok. As the safety of sea routes between Silla and Tang became important during this period, ancestral rites for the West Sea were also actively held. The Jang Bo-go's power forces led international trade through sea routes, and after Jang Bo-go's death, a new maritime forces appeared in the west coast area. The Wang Geon family also used the West Sea, a sea of opportunity, to grow into a powerful family in the West Coast area, leading to the founding of Goryeo later. Accordingly, from the beginning of the Goryeo Dynasty, the royal family began to regard the West Sea as a sacred sea. And the royal family of Goryeo tried to control seaborne trade to prevent new maritime forces from appearing and threatening the dynasty. To this end, it was necessary to emphasize that the royal family of Goryeo was the master of the West Sea. As a result, I think the royal family of Goryeo created a narrative that they were descendants of the Dragon King in the West Sea. Through this, it can be understood that the royal family of Goryeo tried to reveal that it was the owner of the West Sea.

유엔군의 해상봉쇄·도서점령과 NLL

김보영 한국근현대사학회 2012 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.62 No.-

In this article, the reason for all the conflicts over the NLL on the West Sea of the Korean peninsula, of which the frequency is considerably higher than in the East Sea, is considered to have been caused by a ‘rule of exception’ which was inserted in the Cease-fire Armistice concerning certain ‘five Islands’ on the West Sea. So, examined in this article are historical scenes in which the U.N. forces and South Korean troops blockaded the sea and seized control over the islands. In the meantime, naval forces operations, as well as the issue of island control which was discussed at the armistice negotiation table, and most importantly, how all these incidents led to the NLL after the war, is examined here as well. Right after the Korean war broke out, the U.S. Naval force joined the war and engaged in maritime blockades, naval bombardments, and landing operations. The Korean Naval force was placed under the authority of the U.S. Far-East Naval Headquarters, and were engaged in blockades and defense operations too. The West sea islands seized by the Korean Navy were used as operational bases for the commando units and anti-espionage units of the Korean and U.N. forces. The Baek’ryeong-do island in particular, which had Camp William Able, was an essential base for commando and anti-espionage units. When the issue of island control was brought up at the negotiation table on November 27th of 1951, U.S. agreed to withdraw its troops from islands above the extension line of the military demarcation line, yet unlike in the East Sea, the U.S. wished to continue controlling the five islands including Baek’ryeong-do in the West sea, with a ‘Rule of Exception.’ These five islands of the West sea belonged to the North side of the military demarcation line, but were also beneath the 38th Parallel and were therefore under control of the U.N. forces. Two months later, the U.S. formed a Western Islands Defense Post and established a command center on the Baek’ryeong-do island commanded by a marine officer. Bases were also established on the Yeon’pyeong-do and Cha-do islands. This was a definitive move on the U.S.’s part which enabled all the five islands to go under U.N. control. After a bit of discussion, but only after a week, the Communist army agreed to the terms suggested by the U.N. forces concerning the five islands on the West sea. The Communist army was fully aware of the strategic importance of the West sea’s five islands, but did not have enough military power to take control of them. So, they wanted to attach a special definition of the West sea’s five islands to the Armistice, in order to confirm the fact that these islands were never to be connected and act as a line. This was to prevent such line from connecting all five islands and serving as a blockade line or a borderline on sea. Such intention is clearly specified in the armistice. Yet after the armistice was signed, the Korean troops(the U.N. forces) linked the five islands in the West sea, and turned it into an NLL which served as a middle line between South Korea and North Korean shores. Such unilateral move was not warranted by the armistice. And later the NLL on the West line became a fundamental reason for all the clashes on West sea’s NLL. In this article, the reason for all the conflicts over the NLL on the West Sea of the Korean peninsula, of which the frequency is considerably higher than in the East Sea, is considered to have been caused by a ‘rule of exception’ which was inserted in the Cease-fire Armistice concerning certain ‘five Islands’ on the West Sea. So, examined in this article are historical scenes in which the U.N. forces and South Korean troops blockaded the sea and seized control over the islands. In the meantime, naval forces operations, as well as the issue of island control which was discussed at the armistice negotiation table, and most importantly, how all these incidents led to the NLL after the war, is examined here as well. Right after the Korean war broke out, the U.S. Naval force joined the war and engaged in maritime blockades, naval bombardments, and landing operations. The Korean Naval force was placed under the authority of the U.S. Far-East Naval Headquarters, and were engaged in blockades and defense operations too. The West sea islands seized by the Korean Navy were used as operational bases for the commando units and anti-espionage units of the Korean and U.N. forces. The Baek’ryeong-do island in particular, which had Camp William Able, was an essential base for commando and anti-espionage units. When the issue of island control was brought up at the negotiation table on November 27th of 1951, U.S. agreed to withdraw its troops from islands above the extension line of the military demarcation line, yet unlike in the East Sea, the U.S. wished to continue controlling the five islands including Baek’ryeong-do in the West sea, with a ‘Rule of Exception.’ These five islands of the West sea belonged to the North side of the military demarcation line, but were also beneath the 38th Parallel and were therefore under control of the U.N. forces. Two months later, the U.S. formed a Western Islands Defense Post and established a command center on the Baek’ryeong-do island commanded by a marine officer. Bases were also established on the Yeon’pyeong-do and Cha-do islands. This was a definitive move on the U.S.’s part which enabled all the five islands to go under U.N. control. After a bit of discussion, but only after a week, the Communist army agreed to the terms suggested by the U.N. forces concerning the five islands on the West sea. The Communist army was fully aware of the strategic importance of the West sea’s five islands, but did not have enough military power to take control of them. So, they wanted to attach a special definition of the West sea’s five islands to the Armistice, in order to confirm the fact that these islands were never to be connected and act as a line. This was to prevent such line from connecting all five islands and serving as a blockade line or a borderline on sea. Such intention is clearly specified in the armistice. Yet after the armistice was signed, the Korean troops(the U.N. forces) linked the five islands in the West sea, and turned it into an NLL which served as a middle line between South Korea and North Korean shores. Such unilateral move was not warranted by the armistice. And later the NLL on the West line became a fundamental reason for all the clashes on West sea’s NLL.

서해 5도의 남북공동어로구역 설정을 위한기준과 과제

김민배 법무부 2022 統一과 法律 Vol.- No.49

The Five West Sea Islands refer to the sea areas related to Baengnyeong, Daecheong, Socheong, Yeonpyeong and Soyeonpyeong Island, which belong to Incheon, Republic of Korea (ROK). The Five West Sea Islands are the northernmost border against China and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Whenever a crisis is repeated due to clashes between the ROK and DPRK, it is feared that it might turn into a place of local war. The task of creating a peaceful water area on the Five West Sea Islands and setting up ROK and DPRK joint fishing zone could not be concluded at the 2018 Inter-Korean Summit. This is a problem that has been dragged for 15 years since the inter-Korean summit in October 2007. However, the ROK and DPRK have agreed to establish a peaceful water area and a pilot joint fishing zone over the West Sea in the military field agreement to implement the Panmunjom Declaration. The ROK and DPRK agreed to set up a test joint fishing zone between Baengnyeong Island on the ROK side and Jangsan Cape on the DPRK side, but set a concrete boundary line between the peaceful water areas and the joint fishing zone. That was left as an issue for the ROK and DPRK Military Joint Committee. Despite the fact that the Five West Sea Islands are very important areas for the ROK and DPRK peace, the ROK and DPRK cannot agree because they are intertwined with historical characteristics, the ROK and DPRK interests, and the interests of neighboring countries. The ROK and DPRK have agreed to use the equal area criterion as the principle of water area setting in the process of setting the joint fishing water zone of ​​the five islands. However, the issue is the baseline for calculating the equal area criterion. The ROK proposed a joint fishing zone based on the Northern Limit Line (NLL). However, the DPRK claimed that the DPRK security boundary line, which is located south of the NLL in the waters between Yeonpyeong and Baengnyeong Island, was the baseline. The four areas proposed by ROK are designated based on the equal area criterion of ​​water in the ROK and DPRK, with NLL as the baseline. On the other hand, DPRK presents five areas based on the DPRK security boundary line according to the equal area criterion. The ROK and DPRK have been unable to solve problems such as NLL, the exclusive economic zone, DPRK's military boundary waters, and territorial waters on the Five West Sea Islands. For this reason, local battles such as the Daecheong Naval Battle, the Yeongpyeong Naval Battle, and the Yeonpyeong Island Artillery Battle are continuously occurring in the West Sea. Conflicts with the DPRK continued, and the border waters of the West Sea became conflict waters. As a result, the operating rights, movement rights, property rights of the islanders of the Five West Sea Islands are restricted due to the setting of operating limit lines, the setting of specific water areas, and restrictions on ship operations. The establishment of peaceful water areas and the ROK and DPRK joint fishing zone are also necessary to prevent repeated ROK and DPRK collisions and prevent illegal fishing of China. If so, what are the criteria and plans for setting maritime boundaries in the West Sea Peace Water Areas. In order to establish a standard for establishing a peaceful water area and the ROK and DPRK joint fishing area on the Five West Sea Islands, it is necessary to conduct a fact-finding survey and accumulate data from various aspects. In this study, I reviewed the historical characteristics and legal characteristics, the ROK and DPRK boundary demarcation criteria, and trends and cases of peaceful water areas and joint fishing zones of the Five West Sea Islands. Based on this, as the criteria of the baseline for setting the ROK and DPRK joint fishing zone, I emphasized the three-step approach, reflection of related circumstances, and spatial approaches. As a future task, I presented a cross-border integrated marine management method and the ... 서해 5도란 인천광역시 옹진군에 속하는 백령도·대청도·소청도·연평도·소연평도와 인근 해역을 말한다. 서해 5도는 중국과 북한에 맞선 최북단의 경계선이다. 남북한 충돌로 위기가 반복될 때마다 그곳이 국지전 장소로 변할까 우려한다. 서해 5도의 평화수역 조성과 남북공동어로구역 설정 과제가 남북정상회담의 주요 의제가 되는 이유이다. 그러나 2018년 남북정상회담에서도 결론을 내리지 못했다. 하지만 남북은 판문점 선언 이행을 위한 군사 분야 합의서에서 서해 해상에 평화수역과 시범적 공동어로구역을 설정하기로 했다. 남북은 시범 공동어로구역을 남측 백령도와 북측 장산곶 사이에 설정한다는 부분에는 동의하였지만, 평화수역과 공동어로구역의 구체적 경계선을 정하는 것은 남북군사공동위원회의 과제로 남겨 두었다. 서해 5도가 남북과 동아시아의 평화를 위해 매우 중요한 지역임에도 남북한이 경계선 등에 합의하지 못하는 것은 서해 5도의 역사적 특성, 남북의 이해관계, 그리고 국제정세와도 맞물려 있기 때문이다. 남북한은 서해 5도의 공동어로수역 설정 과정에서 등면적을 수역 설정의 원칙으로 정하는 데 합의하였다. 그러나 등면적을 산출하는 기준선이 쟁점이다. 남한은 NLL을 기준으로 공동어로구역을 제안하였다. 하지만 북한은 연평도와 백령도 사이 수역의 북방한계선보다 남쪽에 위치한 북한의 경비계선을 기준선으로 주장하였다. 남한이 제안한 4개의 구역은 NLL을 기준선으로 북한과 남한의 수역 면적이 같은 등면적에 기초한 지정안이다. 반면 북한은 이른바 경비계선을 기준으로 5개 구역을 등면적 원칙에 따라 제시하고 있다. 한편 서해 5도 해역의 경우 어디까지 대한민국이 실효적 지배를 하고 있는지 불분명하다. 남한은 서해 5도에 대한 실효적 지배와 1991년 체결한 남북기본합의서를 토대로 북방한계선 이남의 영유권을 주장하고 있다. 이에 반해 북한은 서해 5도와 그 연안 수역 일부만 남한 영토로 인정하고 있다. 북한이 주장하는 군사분계선은 우도에서 대각선으로 그어진 선이다. 서해 5도에는 NLL, 배타적 경제수역, 북한의 군사경계수역, 영해 사이의 쟁점들이 해소되지 않은 채 과제로 남아 있다. 이 때문에 서해에서 대청해전과 연평해전, 연평도 포격 사건 등의 국지전이 지속적으로 발생하고 있다. 북한과의 분쟁이 지속되면서 서해 접경수역은 분쟁 수역화되었고, 조업한계선 설정, 특정수역 설정, 선박 운항의 제약 등으로 주민들의 조업권, 이동권, 재산권 등이 제한되고 있다. 평화수역과 남북공동어로구역의 설정은 반복되는 남북한 충돌 방지와 중국의 불법 어업 방지를 위해서도 필요하다. 그렇다면 서해평화수역의 해상경계 설정 기준이나 방안 등은 무엇인가. 서해 5도의 평화수역과 공동어로구역의 설정을 위한 기준을 마련하기 위해서는 다양한 측면에서의 실태조사와 자료 축적이 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 서해 5도의 역사적 특성과 법적 성격, 서해 5도에 대한 남북한의 경계 획정 기준, 평화수역과 공동어로구역을 둘러싼 동향과 사례 등을 검토하고자 한다. 결론적으로 서해 5도의 경계 획정 방식으로 3단계 접근 방식, 관련 사정 반영, 그리고 공간적 접근 방식을 강조하였다. 향후 과제로서 초국경 통합 해양관리 방식과 공동관리기관의 설치 등을 제시하였다.

중국의 서해와 동중국해 내해화를 위한 군사활동 증가와 한국의 대응전략에 관한 소고(小考)

김덕기 한국해양안보포럼 2022 한국해양안보논총 Vol.5 No.1

The aim of the study is to analyze the impact of China’s maritime A2/AD power reinforcement and power projection in the West and East China Seas, including Ieodo, on the security of the Korean Peninsula, and suggest the Republic of Korea’s counter-strategy as follows. First, in terms of diplomacy aspect, Seoul must make it clear to China that the boundary line in the West Sea between Korea and China should be established through an equidistant solution based on the coastlines of the two countries. The ROK should also require China to comply with international laws and agreements which were agreed upon with East Asian countries and International Cooperation Organization(Sea: CUES, CoC, Air: GAME, etc.) to prevent accidental collisions in the sea and air in the West and East China Seas. Second, in terms of international maritime law, South Korea should induce China to agree on a median line in the West Sea based on the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS), and create a favorable environment for negotiating the continental shelf boundary in the West and East China Seas. Seoul should also continue its efforts to reach agreements with Beijing on the scale of fishing vessels in the interim measures between Korea and China and the control of illegal fishing of Chinese vessels in the ROK’s EEZ waters. Third, in terms of military strategy, South Korea should conclude a memorandum of understanding(MOU) with China to prevent maritime clashes in the West and East China Seas. The ROK armed forces should also prepare the rules of engagement(ROE) in preparation for disputing with China in the West and East China Seas. In addition, the ROK MND should continue to cooperate with China’s counterpart to build military trust between the two countries’ high-level officials. Korea should also continue to strengthen the strategic bases of the five northwestern islands, including deploying strategic and cruise missiles. Finally, in terms of operational aspects, South Korea must come up with a comprehensive counter-strategy and plan against the threats from North Korea and China in the West Sea. In addition, South Korea should come up with a plan for joint operations and naval patrol operations in the West Sea, moving 123 degrees East longitude.

동아시아 연안해로의 추이와 한반도 남부지역 포구세력의 동향

강봉룡 국립해양유산연구소 2025 해양유산연구 Vol.23 No.-

한반도를 기준으로 하여 고대 동아시아 연안해로를 ‘서남해 연안해로’와 ‘동남해 연안해로’로 나누어보고, 각 단계별로 핵심 환적 거점과 주도세력, 남부 포구세력의 변화 등을 중심으로 동아시아 연안해로의 운영 실태와 변화의 추이를 거시적으로 고찰하였다. 먼저 1단계는 고조선과 낙랑·대방군 등이 대동강 유역의 평양지역을 핵심 환적 거점으로 삼아 ‘서남해연안해로’를 주도하면서 동아시아 문물교류를 활성화시켜 갔던 B.C.3세기~A.D.3세기의 시기에 해당한다. ‘서남해 연안해로’ 상의 요소요소에 중국 화폐가 발견될 정도로 동아시아 문물교류가 활성화되었고, 이 시기 한반도 남부 포구세력으로는 아산만 일대의 한국, 낙동강 하구 김해지역의 구야한국, 그리고 해남백포만 일대의 신미국과 사천시 늑도의 세력 등을 거론하였다. 2단계는 낙랑군과 대방군이 축출된 이후 고구려와 백제가 치열한 혈투를 벌이면서 ‘서남해 연안해로’가경색되고 그 대신 ‘동남해 연안해로’가 대안 해로로 부상하는 4세기 전반의 시기에 해당한다. 2단계에는신라가 새로운 핵심 환적 거점으로 대두한 경주평야를 중심으로 ‘동남해 연안해로’를 주도하였고, 김해의금관국이 신라-금관국-왜로 이어지는 새로운 교역체계에 편승하여 활로를 찾고자 하였으며, 교역체계에서 소외된 금관국 이서以西의 8개 포구세력이 반발하여 금관국을 공격하기도 하였다. 3단계는 백제가 고구려와의 대결에서 결정적 승리를 거두고 한강 유역의 서울지역을 핵심 환적 거점으로삼아 ‘서남해 연안해로’를 주도하게 되는 4세기 후반의 시기에 해당한다. 3단계에 백제는 전북 서해안의포구세력들을 복속하고, 서남해 해남지역의 침미다례를 격파하였는가 하면, 남해안의 가야 포구세력들을포섭함으로써, 왜에 이르는 남부 ‘서남해 연안해로’를 주도한 것으로 파악하였다. 4단계는 심각한 삼국 대결 구도가 형성되어 동아시아 연안해로가 심각한 경색 국면에 빠져드는 4세기말~5세기의 시기에 해당한다. 4단계에는 남부 포구세력들이 중심이 되어 ‘서남해 연안해로’의 남부구간을 통해서 왜倭에 이르는 ‘가능한 범위 내의 문물교류’를 진행해 나갔다. 5세기 중반까지는 아라가야(안라국)가 주도하였고, 5세기 후반부터는 소가야(고자국)가 주도한 것으로 파악하였다. 5세기 후반에해남 북일면 일대에서 제주 지역과 해상교류를 독점하고 ‘탐라’라는 이름을 공유하면서 유력한 포구세력이 대두한 것도 주목하였다. 5단계는 삼국간 대결 국면이 더욱 증폭되어 동아시아 연안해로가 총체적 경색 국면의 수렁에 빠져드는6세기~7세기 전반의 시기에 해당한다. 본고에서는 이 시기 한반도 남부의 포구세력들이 백제와 신라에의해 분점되어 삼국 정립鼎立체제에 편입되어가는 불안정한 과정에 있었음을 지적하는 것에 그쳤다. This study divides East Asian coastal sea roads into the West-South Coast Sea Road and the East-South Coast Sea Road, and considers from a macroscopic perspective the operational status and trend of changes in East Asian coastal sea routes, with the focus on changes in key transshipment bases, leaders, and southern port forces at each stage. The first stage corresponds to the period spanning the third century BC to the third century AD, when Gojoseon, Nakrang-gun and Daebang-gun led the West-South Coast Sea Road by using the Pyongyang area of the Daedong River as their key transshipment base and revitalized commercial & cultural exchanges in East Asia. Indeed, such exchanges appear to have been very active as Chinese currency has been found in various places along the West-South Coast Sea Road. During this period there were the southern port forces of the Korean Peninsula, including Hanguk in the Asan Bay area, Guyahanguk in the Gimhae area at the mouth of the Nakdonggang River, Sinmiguk in the Baekpo Bay area of Haenam, and Neukdo Island in the area of Sacheon City, etc. The second stage corresponds to the first half of the fourth century, when Goguryeo and Baekje engaged in a fierce battle after Nakrang-gun and Daebang-gun were ousted, and the West-South Coast Sea Road emerged as an alternative sea route. During this period, Silla dominated the East-South Coast Sea Road around the Gyeongju Plain, which emerged as a new key transshipment base, and Gimhae's Geumgwanguk tried to find a way out by riding on the new trade system leading to Silla, Geumgwanguk, the eight port forces in the west of Geumgwanguk, which were alienated from the trade system, protested and attacked the Geumgwanguk. The third stage corresponds to the second half of the fourth century, when Baekje won a decisive victory in the confrontation with Goguryeo and led the West-South Coast Sea Road by using the Seoul area along the Han River as its key transshipment base. In this stage, Baekje was found to have led the West-South Coast Sea Road leading to Japan by subjugating the port forces on the west coast of Jeollabuk-do and defeating Chimmidarye in the west-south sea, and capturing Gaya port forces on the south coast. The fourth stage corresponds to the period from the end of the fourth century to the fifth century, when a serious three-countries confrontation structure is formed and the East Asian coastal sea route fell into a serious jam phase. In the fourth stage, ‘exchanges within the possible range’ were carried out through the southern sectionof the West- South Coast Sea Road, centering on the southern port forces. It was understood that Aragaya (Anraguk) led it until the middle of the fifth century, and that Sogaya(Gojaguk) led it from the second half of the fifth century. In the late fifth century, it was also noted that a powerful port force emerged to monopolize maritime exchanges with the Jeju area, and shared the name 'Tamra' in the area of Bukil-myeon, Haenam. The fifth stage corresponds to the first half of the sixth and seventh centuries, when the confrontation between the three countries intensified and the East Asian coastal sea routes became bogged down in a total jam phase. This paper points out that during this period, the port forces in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula were divided by Baekje and Silla and were in an unstable situation where they were incorporated into the triangular system of the three kingdoms.

서해5도 수역 평화를 위한 하나의 제언: 정전협정으로 돌아가자

정태욱 ( Chung Taiuk ) 민주주의법학연구회 2021 민주법학 Vol.0 No.75

서해5도 수역의 불안정성은 남북의 해상 관할권 주장이 경합하고 중첩하는 데에 기인한다. 구체적으로는 남측의 NLL과 북한 12해리 영해가 충돌하기 때문이다. 이 글에서는 서해 평화를 위하여 서해5도 수역에서 남측의 NLL을 유지하면서 남북이 서해 수역을 공동으로 향유할 수 있는 해법을 제안하고자 한다. 즉 서해5도 수역에서 남북이 각기 그 영해를 3해리로 축소하고 그 너머의 수역은 남북 공동이용 수역으로 할 것을 제안하는 것이다. 이는 정전협정 질서의 회복을 뜻한다. 정전협정 당시에는 서해5도 수역에 관해 ‘공해자유의 원리’에 입각하여 남북의 연해(인접해면, 영해) 3해리를 제외한 부분은 개방된 수역으로 남겨두었던 것이다. 이제 다시 그와 같이 정전협정의 정신을 회복함으로써 서해의 평화를 도모하고자 하는 것이다. 이러한 해법은 현재 상황에서는 남과 북 모두에 양보를 요구한다. 북한은 소청도와 연평도 사이 해역에서 그들의 12해리 영해 주장을 양보해야 한다. 그리고 남측 NLL의 최소한의 유효성을 긍정할 수 있어야 할 것이다. 남측으로서는 소청도 연평도 사이에서 북한의 해수 이용권을 인정해야 한다. 그리고 NLL을 주장하되 NLL 이남 수역에서 북한 선박의 조업과 항행을 허용해야 한다. 이렇게 남북이 서로 양보함으로써 남북은 정전협정에서 목표한 평화를 회복할 수 있고, 또한 남북 주민들도 호혜적 결과를 얻을 수 있다. 현재 서해5도 수역은 남북의 대치 상황에서 남북이 모두 이용하지 못하는 금단의 수역이 되어 있어 그 틈에서 중국 어선들이 어부지리를 누리고 있는데, 이처럼 남북이 협력하면 중국에 맞서 서해5도 수역에서의 남북의 해수 이용권을 되찾을 수 있을 것이다. The instability of the West Sea is due to the conflicting and overlapping claims of maritime jurisdiction between the two Koreas. Specifically, this is because the South's NLL(Northern Limit Line) and North Korea's 12 nautical mile territorial waters collide. For the sake of peace in the West Sea, this article proposes a solution that allows the South and the North to enjoy the West Sea jointly while maintaining the South's NLL as the original form in the West Sea. In other words, it is proposed that the two Koreas reduce the territorial sea to 3 nautical mile in the West Sea, and that the waters beyond that area be jointly used by the two Koreas. This means the restoration of the Korean Armistice Agreement order. At the time of the Armistice Agreement, based on the “Mare Liberum” the West Sea was left as open waters except for 3 nautical mile coastal seas (adjacent seas, territorial seas) of the two Koreas. Now, by restoring the spirit of the Armistice Agreement again, we are trying to promote peace in the West Sea. This solution, in the current situation, requires concessions from both the South and the North. North Korea must yield their 12 nautical mile claim in the waters between Socheongdo and Yeonpyeongdo. The South should recognize North Korea's right to use seawater between Socheongdo and Yeonpyeongdo. And while insisting on the NLL, North Korean ships are to be allowed to operate and navigate in waters south of the NLL. By making concessions in this way, the South and the North can restore the peace aimed at in the Armistice Agreement. South and North Koreans can also attain reciprocally satisfactory results. Currently, the West Sea near the border of the two Koreas is a forbidden water area that cannot be used by both the South and the North in the confrontation between the two Koreas. Taking advantage of that confrontation, Chinese fishing boats are enjoying benefits with playing both ends. Now, if the two Koreas cooperate, it will be possible to restore the right for Koreans to use seawater in the West Sea by ruling out Chinese fishery.

서해 5도 연구의 현황과 과제 -관할권 문제를 중심으로-

예대열 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2022 한국학연구 Vol.- No.64

The military conflict surrounding the West Sea increased after the Post-Cold War Era when inter-Korea reconciliation was started. Through the October 4th North-South Summit Declaration, the leaders of the two Koreas agreed on an agenda for recognizing the West Sea as a peaceful area. “The Special Zone of Peace and Cooperation in the West Sea and border” and “Joint Fishing Area” were declared and this consensus implies that the North accepted the South's plan to establish peace in the West Sea through economic cooperation without touching the sensitive issue of the maritime boundary. However, despite such an agreement, creating a national agreement structure is still not solved. A political dispute in the 2012 presidential election regarding a leaked transcript of an inter-Korean summit shows that issues of the West Sea have remained a controversial topic according to the political interest of inter-Korean and even mutual dialogue is not unsettled. However, to build a peaceful Korean Peninsula in the 21st century, it is essential to make the West Sea a permanent peace zone beyond ideological differences. For this purpose, this article examines the studies regarding the issue of state jurisdiction surrounding the Five Islands of the West Sea. Each chapter discusses the origins of the conflict in the West Sea, differences in interpretations of the Armistice Agreement, disagreement within South Korean academia on the NLL, changes in North Korea’s position on the maritime boundary in the West Sea, and illegal fishing by Chinese fleets. 서해는 탈냉전 이후 남북관계가 화해 분위기로 접어들었을 때 오히려 군사적 갈등이 증폭되었다. 남북 정상은 10․4선언을 통해 서해를 평화로운 바다로 만들기 위한 방법론에 합의하였다. 이 선언에 명시된 ‘서해평화협력특별지대’와 ‘공동어로구역’은 해상경계선이라는 민감한 문제는 건드리지 않고 경제협력을 통해 서해에 평화를 정착시키겠다는 남측의 구상을 북측이 받아들인 것이었다. 그러나 이와 같은 합의와 방법론에도 불구하고 그것을 풀어가야 할 국민적 합의구조는 취약하다. 2012년 대선 당시 정상회담 대화록 유출 논란에서 보듯 서해 문제는 정치권의 정쟁거리로 전락해 각자의 정치적 입장에 따라 상호 대화조차 쉽지 않다. 하지만 21세기 평화로운 한반도를 만들기 위해서는 이념적 차이를 넘어 서해를 항구적인 평화지대로 만들기 위한 노력이 필요하다. 이를 위해 본 논문은 그동안 서해 5도 주변 수역의 관할권 문제를 둘러싼 연구 현황을 분석하였다. 구체적으로 서해 갈등의 기원과 정전협정을 둘러싼 해석 차이, 남한 학계의 NLL에 관한 이견, 북한의 서해 해상경계선에 관한 입장 변화, 중국어선의 불법어로에 대해 각 장별로 정리하였다.

서해5도 수역: 현황, 쟁점, 그리고 과제

이석우 전북대학교 동북아법연구소 2022 동북아법연구 Vol.16 No.3

It is necessary to devise an approach and solution to the topical issues surrounding Korea’s Five islands in the West Sea from a perspective requiring the urgent development and implementation of a comprehensive legal policy. In the case of the “Legislative Process of the Waters Around the Five Islands in the West Sea Project” (hereinafter the “Legislative Process Project”), currently conducted with the participation of experts in various fields, research cooperation across diverse fields is required due to the complex nature of the matter at hand. In addition to an accurate understanding of the historical background of the matter, it requires legal analysis and determination of the relevant facts, as well as political considerations. Since the matter itself concerns a topical issue regarding maritime areas and islands, an understanding grounded in marine science is a prerequisite. Moreover, adequate public discussion of the matter should be accompanied in the process of implementation. The Legislative Process Project purports to identify major issues in the basic bill, and to propose policy and legal alternatives grounded in the review of topical issues for enacting the Basic Act on the Five Islands in the West Sea. Existing literature on the establishment of peace in the West Sea border region, and the conservation, use, and development of maritime areas primarily took the form of public policy reports serving to propose public policy directions; but to date, no studies have been conducted with a view towards establishing a substantial academic foundation. Furthermore, the existing research literature is divided into academic disciplines such as international law, oceanography, policy studies, and regional studies. Contrariwise, “The Waters Around the Five Islands in the West Sea: Current Status, Issues, and Challenges” seeks to distinctively provide a holistic direction for research.

동아시아의 해역, ‘서해’와 ‘황해’에 대한 연구

김보한 ( Kim Bo-han ) 동아시아비교문화연구회 2018 東硏(동연) Vol.4 No.-

현재 우리는 ‘서해’에 대한 용어의 신 개념 정립이 필요하다. 역사적으로 서해는 중국과 한국의 관계, 남조(북조) - 백제, 당 – 청해진의 교역의 통로였다. 따라서 서해는 고구려, 백제, 고려, 조선의 해상활동의 영역이었다. 시기별로 ‘서해’라는 명칭이 고대부터 현재까지 사용되는 역사적 용어임을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 지금 우리가 사용한다고 하더라도 전혀 문제될 것이 없는 용어이다. 한편 고대부터 대한제국까지 ‘황해(Yellow Sea)’라는 용어는 우리의 역사에서 전혀 사용한 적이 없는 용어이다. 1748년경에 제작한 토마스 제프리스의 아시아 고지도에서 ‘Yellow Sea’가 출현한다. 청 말에 서양의 지도와 지도제작 기법이 전래되면서 ‘Yellow Sea’가 한자어 ‘黃海’로 번역되어 사용되기 시작하였다. 따라서 현재의 ‘황해(Yellow Sea)’는 서구인이 만들어낸 서해의 별칭인 것이다. 마찬가지로 19세기 말 조선의 사료에 등장하는 ‘조선해’의 경우도 1748년경에 제작한 토마스 제프리스의 아시아 고지도에 ‘Sea of Corea(조선해)’가 등장하고 있다. 따라서 우리의 해양사 연구에 자주 등장하는 ‘환황해교역권’과 ‘환황해문화’ 용어 대신에, 역사성을 반영해서 ‘환서해교역권’과 ‘환서해문화’라는 용어로 바꾸어 부르는 것이 타당하지 않을까 생각한다. At present, we need to establish the terminology of ‘The West Sea’. Historically, The West Sea was a channel for China-Korea relations, Namjo-Baekje, Tang-Chunghaejin. Therefore, the West Sea was the area of maritime activities in Goguryeo, Baekje, Goryeo, and Chosun. The term ‘The West Sea’ is a historical term used from ancient times to the present. Therefore, even if we use it now, there is no problem at all. Meanwhile, from ancient times to the empire, the term ‘The Yellow Sea’ has never been used in our history. The ‘The Yellow Sea’ emerges from Thomas Jeffries’ Asian highlands around 1748. With the introduction of Western maps and mapping techniques in the Chung Dynasty, the ‘The Yellow Sea’ began to be translated into Chinese characters ‘The Yellow Sea’. Therefore, the present “Yellow Sea” is an alias of West Sea created by Westerners. Similarly, in the case of the ‘Joseon Sea’ appearing in the Joseon Dynasty at the end of the nineteenth century, ‘Sea of Corea’ is emerging in Thomas Jeffries’ Asian Highlands around 1748.

Rebuild the Basement Tectonic Framework of the Western South China Sea

보안공학연구지원센터(IJSIA) 보안공학연구지원센터 2015 International Journal of Security and Its Applicat Vol.9 No.10

The west margin fault zone of the South China Sea is a tensional basement fault in the extended segment of the Indosinian Subplate toward the sea. It originally formed in the Mesozoic, and reactivated and developed further in the Cenozoic. It is not appropriate to regard this fault as a regional tectonic line between the Indosinian Subplate and the South China Sea Subplate because it does not exhibit the basic features of a regional boundary fault. A zone of gravity and magnetic anomalies in the southwest subbasin of the South China Sea extends westwards to the Zhongjian Island-Guangya Reef arcuate fault zone, and is the real regional tectonic line between the Indosinian Subplate and South China Sea Subplate. The formation of this basement tectonic framework might be closely associated with tectonic evolution of the ancient arc-trench system from the Proterozoic to the Mesozoic. The major faults are the south margin fault zone of the Qiongdongnan-Shenhu-Dongsha massif, the Red River fault zone, and the Zhongjian Island-Guangya Reef arcuate fault zone, which construct the basement tectonic framework of the South China Subplate, the Indosinian Subplate, and the South China Sea Subplate, and control the development and evolution of basement tectonics.