예수회 선교사들의 明淸交替에 대한 인식변화와 선교의 모색

송미령 명청사학회 2011 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.35

The Ming-Qing Transitional Period was important in the history of the missions of the Jesuits in China. Before the Qing troops control of southwest of China, the Jesuit had to decide switch their allegiance to the Qing empire or not. So I aim to explain how the Jesuit was able to accept the Manchu as a China's new masters. This paper is based on Jesuit missionaries' descriptions, especially Martino Martini's De Bello Tartarico Historia. Martini's report offers some of the result of his researches in China, for Martini himself had lived through the frightful occurrences which brought about the overthrow of the Ming dynasty. The fall of the Ming Dynasty and the conquest of the Qing regime brought some difficult years for the Jesuits. Some Jesuit missionaries managed to impress Manchu commanders with a display of western science and to be politely invited to join the new order, others endured imprisonment and privations, as did Lodovico Buglio and Gabriel de Magalhaes in Sichuan in 1647-48 or Alvaro Semedo in Canton in 1649. In the Ming-Qing Transitional Period, it was not uncommon for some Jesuits to find themselves on different sides of the front lines: while Adam Schall was an important counselor of the Qing Shunzhi Emperor in Beijing, Michał Boym travelled from the jungles of south-western China to Rome. As you know, the jesuit missionaries introduced Western science, to Chinese society, and carried on significant inter-cultural with Chinese scholars, particularly representatives of Confucianism. According to the Matteo Ricci's policy of accommodation, they described him as an emperor who just tried to learn Chinese culture and the scientific accomplishments of the Jesuits. Also, they emphasized that the Qing empire inherited many important institutions from the preceding Ming Dynasty. This process brought about the success of missionary work. In Qing Court, Jesuit missionaries enabled themselves him to procure from the emperor permission for the Jesuits to build churches and to preach throughout the country.

명청교체기 조선 지식인의 대청의식 일고찰 -무하당(無何堂) 홍주원(洪柱元)의 「연행록(燕行錄)」을 중심으로-

이상우 ( Sang Woo Lee ) 온지학회 2015 온지논총 Vol.- No.42

The present study aims to look into how Joseon’s intellectuals viewed the Qing Dynasty by examining Moohadang Hong Joowon’s travel poems to China. Hong experienced the Manchu Invasion of Joseon and the transitional period between the Ming and the Qing Dynasty, and also had been to China four times as an official envoy during the transitional years when the Qing Dynasty was yet to settle down as a state. The transitional period between the Ming and the Qing Dynasty provided a crucial turning point which drastically changed the dynamics of entire northeast Asia. Nevertheless, there are fewer studies on the travel essays of this period, compared to those on the travel essays written in the 18th century. Because travel essays to China, which were first written in the mid-17th century, when the Qing Dynasty gained control of most of mainland China, continued to exist for the following 200 years, it is well worth examining and studying those of the earlier period. Hong’s resentment against Qing is manifested in a plethora of expressions in his travel poems. He did not acknowledge the legitimacy of the Qing Dynasty in an indignant tone or direct criticism against them. In some poems, he showed, using metaphors, his humiliation as an envoy to the government of the barbarian invaders. He, in the meantime, was hoping in vain to see the Ming Dynasty whose survivors remained in a lessened state called “South Ming” reviving again. And he was strongly deploring the political tide of the time. The present study, however, is restricting its scope on the travel poems of Hong Joowon, thus comprehensive knowledge on how Joseon’s intellectuals viewed the Qing Dynasty is to be acquired only after the comparison of Hong’s travel poems with the contemporary travel essays or poems.

‘科學’에 대한 반론:‘典章制度’에 근거한 明末淸初 학술사상사의 새로운 발로

이미영 중국사학회 2026 중국사연구 Vol.- No.155

This research discusses LiSuan Learning (calendrical-mathematical studies) during the late Ming and early Qing period from a historiographical perspective. It critically examines the meaning of "science" as it appears in previous research and its indiscriminate application, particularly emphasizing the importance of the contemporary epistemological system or the academic-intellectual thought system of that era. First, it critiques research content centered on theory based on the modern academic categories of "astronomy" and "mathematics." It discusses the interpretive problems concerning "li-li" (曆理, calendrical principles) and "li-shu and li-fa" (曆數, 曆法, calendrical mathematics and calendrical methods), and the research limitations that have resulted from these issues. Second, it critiques the research trend centered on the influx of "Western Learning" (西學, xi-xue) during the late Ming and early Qing period. In particular, it raises problems with interpretations of "Western Learning" and LiSuan Learning centered on the court, and calls for concrete discussion of the characteristics of "Chinese Learning" (中學, zhong-xue), "Western Learning" (西學, xi-xue), and "synthesis/accommodation" (會通, hui-tong). To this end, it poses scholarly questions by interconnecting the critique of "Li Learning(理學)", the emergence of "Practical Learning" (實學, shi-xue), and the influx of "Western Learning" (西學, xi-xue), which are characteristics of the contemporary academic-intellectual thought system. Furthermore, it raises the necessity of discussing late Ming-early Qing LiSuan Learning by interpreting li-li and li-fa within the academic epistemological system of contemporary scholars based on classical and historical learning (經史學, jing-shi-xue). At the same time, it emphasizes the importance of "dian-zhang system" (典章制度, institutional systems and regulations) as an object for understanding the circumstances of the era. As an approach, it discusses the necessity of "cultural history" as a totality encompassing the politics, society, economy, scholarship, and thought of the period, along with the importance of historical interpretation in discussing LiSuan Learning.

주이준(朱彝尊) <원앙호도가(鴛鴦湖棹歌)> 속 가흥(嘉興)의 이미지 — 명청(明淸) 교체기 한족 지식인의 고향 이미지의 의도적 재현

김하늬 한국중문학회 2019 중국문학연구 Vol.0 No.77

This study focused on the analysis of Yuanyanghu Zhaoge (鴛鴦湖棹歌) by Zhu Yizun (朱彝尊), an intellectual during the Ming-Qing transitional period. The title consists of “Yuanyanghu (鴛鴦湖)” which refers to a lake in Jiaxing (嘉興) in Zhejiangsheng (浙江省), and “Zhaoge (棹歌)” which means a boating song. In the end, Yuanyanghu Zhaoge is a song about Jiaxing, a waterside village, in the form of folksongs. Zhu Yizun wrote this in Beijing to talk about the diverse aspects of his hometown Jiaxing including its landscapes, scenic spots, specialties, historical events, legends, and living conditions of the people. This work received huge responses from the intellectual of Jiaxing. After his death, it became a vogue to write a poem responding to his work. Eventually, it was established as part of Jiaxing’s cultural tradition. Zhu Yizun had huge impacts on the vogue of singing about the natural characteristics of a local area by writing a large-scale serial poem. Yuanyanghu Zhaoge is a serial poem containing total 100 works in the form of Zhuzhici (竹枝詞), which was originally sung much by the common people and took the custom of a certain area as a topic in many cases. There had been a trend of writing large volumes of Zhuzhici in the form of serial poetry since Yuan, which must have been the cause behind Zhu Yizun’s adoption of Zhuzhici. This study focused on the “reason why Zhu Yizun wrote a serial poem about his hometown during the time.” Zhu Yizun was an intellectual during a transitional period from Ming (明) and Qing (淸). Being one of yumins (遺民, “leftover subjects” from a dynastic change), he was forced to choose a youmu (游幕, traveling service as aides in the office of commanding generals) in order to survive. The situation of the times summarized by a “change of dynasties” became a major reason behind him leaving his hometown. He made detailed records about the information of his hometown and wrote poems about it not simply because he missed his hometown, but because Jiaxing represented an ideal space of Hanzu (漢族) culture that he should preserve as a Hanzu intellectual under the rule of a barbarian dynasty, as well. This was why he left records about it. When he wrote Yuanyanghu Zhaoge, Jiaxing was already in ruins after a war. In Yuanyanghu Zhaoge, however, Jiaxing was depicted as an ideal place that was still beautiful and economically rich with the people leading a cheerful life and intellectuals enjoying art and science. Recalling his own past experiences, he reproduced the images of Jiaxing through specific sensible expressions including a “fast conversion of sensible images” and “use of contrasting images.” The images of Jiaxing were processed and reproduced intentionally by him in his work, thus being different from the aspects of real Jiaxing. To Zhu Yizun, “Jiaxing,” his “hometown,” was not just a geographical and physical space to which his body should return, but also a space of Hanzu culture that should be restored and preserved. 본 논문은 明淸 교체기를 대표하는 문인 중 하나인 朱彝尊의 <鴛鴦湖棹歌> 100수를 분석대상으로 한다. 작품 제목의 ‘鴛鴦湖’는 浙江省 嘉興 남서쪽에 있는 호수를 말하며, ‘棹歌’는 ‘뱃노래’를 말한다. 따라서 ‘鴛鴦湖棹歌’란 민가의 형식으로 수향인 가흥 지역에 대해 노래한 것이다. 주이준은 北京에서 遊幕 생활하던 시기에 이 시를 지어 그의 고향인 가흥의 다양한 측면을 노래하였다. 이 작품은 가흥 출신 지식인들을 중심으로 큰 호응을 얻었으며, 주이준의 사후에도 이 시에 화답시를 창작하는 것이 유행하여 가흥 지역의 문화적 전통이 되었다. 청대에 대규모의 연작시를 지어 지역의 풍토를 노래하는 현상이 유행하게 된 것에는 주이준의 영향이 크다고 볼 수 있다. 본고에서는 ‘왜 하필 이 시기에 주이준이 그의 고향을 노래하는 연작시를 창작해야 했을까’에 주목하고자 한다. 전통사회에서 ‘客愁’란 늘 문학의 주된 주제가 되었다. 그러나 주이준은 명나라의 遺民으로서 생존을 위해 游幕을 선택할 수밖에 없었으므로 그가 고향을 떠나게 된 데에는 ‘왕조 교체’라는 시대적 상황이 중요한 원인이 되었고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 그가 가흥의 정보를 자세히 기록하는 시를 창작한 것은 단순히 고향이 그립기 때문만은 아니다. 작자에게 가흥이란 고향이면서, 동시에 이민족의 통치를 받는 한족 지식인으로서 반드시 보존해야할 이상적인 한족 문화의 공간이며, 이 때문에 그에 대한 기록을 남기고자 했던 것이라 볼 수 있다. 이 시가 창작될 당시, 가흥은 이미 전쟁으로 파괴되었지만 <원앙호도가> 속 가흥은 여전히 아름답고 경제적으로 풍요로우며, 백성들은 활기차고 지식인들은 예술과 학문을 즐기는 이상적인 공간으로 존재한다. 작자는 자신의 예전 경험을 떠올리고, ‘감각의 빠른 전환’, ‘대조적 이미지의 사용’ 등 구체적인 감각의 표현을 통해 ‘평화롭고 풍요로우며 풍류스러운 공간’으로서의 가흥을 마치 현시점에서 바라보고 있는 것처럼 재현한다. 그러나 이때의 가흥은 작자에 의해 의도적으로 가공되고 재현된 것이기 때문에 실재하는 가흥의 모습과 분명히 다르다. 주이준에게 ‘고향’인 ‘가흥’은 결코 단순히 그의 몸이 돌아가야 할 지리적⋅물리적 공간으로만 존재하는 것이 아니며, 복구하고 보존해야 할 정신적 공간으로 보아야 할 것이다.

명청교체기 사상변동思想變動으로부터 본 다산학의 성격

이봉규 재단법인다산학술문화재단 2014 다산학 Vol.- No.25

New academic movements based on the particular circumstances ofeach nation were developed in East Asian countries through the Ming-Qing transitional period, in which Confucianism was re-envisioned notexclusively as Chinese but as belonging to universal civilization regardlessof region and race. A common intention in these movements wasto redefine the main object of Confucianism by formulating practicalmethods for coping with the affairs of state while moving away fromthe Song-dynasty learning centered on the cultivation of mind. CheongYagyong formulated an ideal governing system that could be practisedin Joseon within the framework of ruling by virtue, in the processutilizing academic achievements produced in China and Japan at thattime. Reconsiderations by Huang Zhongxi and Gu Yanwu on the structureof hereditary and exclusive ruling- especially their two countermeasuresof the prime ministerial system and the mandate system involving theuse of local authority against autocratic rule -had great influence on the thought of Confucian literati in Joseon who made utmost efforts toreform and improve the nation. Cheong Yagyong established a concretemodel of ruling by virtue based on the idea of co-governance of themonarch with the prime minister, in which the monarch would vigorouslyenact the activities of appointment and appraisal. Meanwhile theprime minister would substantially manage the main state affairs onbehalf not of the monarch but of the people, and the local authoritieswould be allowed to perform their duty undisturbed for an extended period,while undergoing regular inspection and appraisal from the centralgovernment. Ogyu Sorai and Dazai Shundai suggested a model of administrationmaking active use of non-Confucian precepts such as xingming andHuanglao methods as a tool for enhancing the wealth and the militarystrength of the central government, in which the grasp and manipulationof favors and desires were put in the forefront instead of adherenceto moral principles governing human relations. Dai Zhen establisheda new theory of the mind taking into positive consideration the favorsand desires on the one hand and adherence to moral principles governinghuman relations on the other. However, this failed to provide thebasis for advocating a concrete model for institutional reform. CheongYagyong established a completely new theory of mind explaining thecommon bases of favors, desire and principles of human relation bymeans of the novel notion of ‘disposition(嗜好)’. Futhermore, he suggesteda concrete model for institutional reform founded both on thediscourse for the arrangement of officials and the stabilizing of the people and also on the discourse of the relation between the normativevirtuous mind and the physical phenomenal mind from the Confucianclassics. It can thus be said that Cheong Yagyong’s theory and practicalmethods for ruling by virtue was designed in accordance with the Confuciantradition on righteous governance followed assiduously from theConfucius-Mencius line to Song learning. Admittedly, Cheong Yagyong criticized the scheme of mind andnature in Song learning, by taking recourse to the same argumentationfrom western philosophy that Matteo Ricci applied in criticizingSong metaphysics of the mind, the main focus of which was centeredon the conceptual difference between substance and attributes. Thesenew theories of the mind and corresponding concrete countermeasuresfor righteous governance established by Cheong Yagyong were the resultsof applying Confucian discourses developed in China and Japanthrough the Ming-Qing transitional period. As such they can be said torepresent a new horizon for the ideal of rule by virtue that East AsianConfucianism aspired to in the 19th century. Inevitably however, someinclination toward a form of ‘Orientalism’ also occurred in the processdue to the co-opting of western categories of learning in the adjudicationof East Asian academic conceptions. 명청교체기 동아시아 각국에서는 자국自國의 사정을 반영하여 유교儒敎의 본지本旨를 중국의 문명이 아닌 보편普遍 문명으로서 재성찰再省察하는 새로운 학문적 조류가 전개되었다. 송학宋學의 심법론心法論을벗어나 사공事功의 성취成就에 중점을 두고 유교의 본지를 경세經世의차원에서 재정립하는 것은 공통의 관심사였다. 정약용은 조선에서 실행할 수 있는 왕정의 체제를 행왕行王의 관점에서 수립하였는데, 중국과 일본에서 전개된 성찰들을 활용하였다. 황종희黃宗羲와 고염무顧炎武의 사천하私天下 구조에 대한 성찰과 재상정치宰相政治와 수령위임통치守令委任統治의 두 대안은 정약용 뿐 아니라 조선의 학자들에게 재성찰을 촉발하는 주요한 자극제가 되었다. 정약용은 입현공치立賢共治의시각에서 재상이 정치의 실질적 주체가 되는 왕정론을 수립하였는데,군주의 경우 관리의 임용任用과 고적考績 활동을 적극적으로 수행하게하고, 재상의 경우 군주가 아닌 천하를 위해 국정의 실질적 주관자가되게 하고, 수령의 경우 장기간 안정적으로 직무를 수행하면서 고적考績과 감사監査를 받게 하는 체제였다. 오규 소라이와 다자이 슌다이는부국강병의 맥락에서 유교 뿐 아니라 황로黃老와 형명刑名 등 비유교적방법들도 적극 활용하면서 정욕情欲의 파악과 이용을 우선시하고 인륜을 부수적 위치에 두면서, 「대우모大禹謨」의 인심도심론人心道心論을 대신하여 「고요모皐陶謨」의 지인안민론知人安民論을 활용하는 경세론을 제시하였다. 대진戴震은 「악기樂記」에 근거하여 정욕과 인륜을 함께 포함하는 새로운 심성론을 수립하였지만, 그에 기반한 새로운 경세론을제시하는 데에는 이르지 않았다. 정약용은 정욕과 인륜을 기호嗜好로설명하는 새로운 심성론을 수립하고, 법제法制와 인륜을 함께 정치행위의 중심으로 삼는 경세론을 제시하였는데, 경학적으로는 지인안민론과 인심도심론을 상호 결합하였다. 곧 정약용의 왕정론은 인륜의 실현을 정치의 한 본령으로 삼는 공맹 이래 송학까지 줄기차게 이어지는 정치론을 충실히 계승하는 형태이다. 다만, 정약용은 마테오리치가 송학의 개념체계를 비판할 때 사용하였던 범주範疇의 구분의 방식을 그대로 차용借用하여 송학의 심법론을 비판하고 사공事功의 성취를 위한 새로운 심성론을 수립하였다. 정약용의 경학과 경세론은 명청교체기 유교에 대한 재성찰을 두루 활용하여 수립한 것으로 19세기 전반 동아시아유교가 도달한 왕정론의 한 지평이지만, 그 과정에 한편으로는 서학의개념으로 동아시아 학문론學問論을 재단裁斷하는 오리엔탈리즘의 편향偏向도 발생하고 있다.

명청교체기 또 다른 최초의 해로조천록 - 최응허(崔應虛)의 조천일기(朝天日記)

왕가,한종진 원광대학교 한중관계연구원 2022 韓中關係硏究 Vol.8 No.1

Jocheonilgi (朝天日記) of Choi Eungheo (崔應虛 1572-1636), who departed from Joseon in May 1621, is another the first envoy writings to be written at the same time as Gahaejocheonrok (駕海朝天錄) of An Gyong (安璥, 1564-1640) who belonging to the same envoy group to Ming by sea. Currently, the manuscript of Jocheonilgi remains in Modeok Temple and is handed down to the world. Jocheonilgi is the book that records every day what he experienced and feelings during his mission from February 22 to November 20, 1621. As it is compared with An Gyong’s Gahaejocheonrok, First, Choi Eunheo’s is smaller and simpler than An Gyong’s. Second, Jocheonilgi describes a longer schedule than Gahaejochonrok, as it includes the journey for a certain period of time before and after departure by ship. Third, the two show differences in content composition. Fourth, the narrative attitude between two is different. Choi Eungheo’s Jocheonilgi has a primary meaning as a historical material that supplements the authenticity of Gahaejochonrok records. In addition, unlike Gahaejocheonrok, it has detailed records of the preparation period before formal diplomatic activities. This makes it possible to clearly understand the full aspect of diplomatic activities carried out in 1621. On the other hand, Choi Eungheo’s Jocheonilgi shows an objective fact-oriented narrative attitude so that it can be used as a travel guide for the diplomatic mission by sea in the future. This narrative attitude is believed to have had a great influence on the birth of sea diplomatic records with a humanistic geographic book style that was not seen in the early Joseon Dynasty. However, in order for this assumption to be more convincing, Further review is needed on the description of the diplomatic records of the sea routes during the Ming-qing transition period, including the diplomatic records of the land routes written before the Ming-qing transition period. 1621년 5월 조선을 출항한 사은사 정사 최응허의 조천일기는 동일 사행단 서장관 안경의 가해조천록과 동일한 시기에 저술된 또 다른 명청교체기 최초의 대명 조선 해로사행록이며 현재 모덕사에 행초체의 필사본이 남아 세상에 전해지게 되었다. 조천일기는 1621년 윤2월 22일부터 11월 20까지의 사행 임무를 수행하면 겪은 일과 견문, 그에 대한 소감을 일기체로 하루도 빠짐없이 매일 기록한 책이다. 최응허의 조천일기를 안경의 가해조천록과 비교해보면 첫째, 최응허의 조천일기는 안경의 가해조천록보다 분량이 적고 간략하다. 둘째, 조천일기는 배에 승선하여 출항하기 전과 하선 후의 일정 기간의 여정까지 포함하고 있어 가해조천록보다 더욱 긴 일정을 기술하고 있다. 셋째, 둘은 내용 구성에서 차이를 보인다. 넷째, 문장의 서술 태도가 다르다. 최응허의 조천일기는 가해조천록 기록의 역사적 진실성을 보충하는 사료로서 1차적인 의미를 가지며 가해조천록과 달리 본격적인 사행에 앞선 준비 기간의 상세한 기록까지 남아 있어 1621년에 이루어진 사은 사행의 전면모를 명확히 알 수 있게 한다. 한편, 최응허의 조천일기는 차후에 있을 해로사행단의 여행지침서로서의 기능을 염두에 둔 객관적인 사실 위주의 서술 태도를 보이고 있으며, 이러한 서술 태도는 조선전기에는 볼 수 없었던 인문지리서적 체계를 갖춘 해로조천록이 조선중기에 탄생하는 데에 영향을 끼친 것으로 사료된다. 그러나 이러한 추정이 좀 더 설득력을 얻으려면 명청교체기 이전 쓰여진 주요 육로 산문 일기체 사행록을 포함하여 명청교체기 산문 일기체 해로사행록의 서술 방식에 대한 통시적인 추가 검토가 필요하다.

조선시대 국제질서와 해양정책

김경록 명청사학회 2017 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.48

In the ancient times, where transportation and communication means were not developed, they interacted with the surrounding area through active maritime activities(海洋活動), and it was the influx of culture and the channel of propagation. Even if it is not necessarily a developmental historical viewpoint, if the transportation, communication, and various ship technologies have not declined, the maritime activities will be reduced as ancient times and modern times, and the maritime activities in the Joseon period(朝鮮時代) can not be said to be active. With the expansion of the state organization and the improvement of the governing system, the ocean showed a history path that would eventually turn into a path of danger in the path of infinite opportunities. That is looked Goryo(高麗), which was trying to expand the nation's financial power through trade through the establishment of aristocratic bureaucracy, actively engaged in maritime activities centering on trade routes, while Joseon, which can be said to have completed a more complete regime, tended not to engage in maritime activities. Despite the era of active maritime activities against the world history, the fact that the maritime activities of the Joseon were not active could be analyzed from various aspects. There is a reason for the internal stability of Confucian rule and social order stability based on farming, and there is also reason for the externally to be sensitive to the international order of East Asia which is Ming world order(明 中心 國際秩序), Ming-Qing Transition period(明淸交替期), Qing world order(淸 中心 國際秩序), and to recognize various marine factors and develop the maritime policy carefully. In the rapidly changing international order and situation in the Joseon period, Joseon sought a aristocrat bureaucratic society(兩班官僚社會) with the national security and the King as the peak. In the early days of the founding, Joseon established various national policies to solve the conflicts and tensions of the Ming and to establish a system of governance and systems. In this process, Joseon experienced history related marine such as Japanese raiders(倭寇), drifting people(漂流民), Jeju Island(濟州道), conquest of Tsushima(對馬島征伐) and Imjin War(壬辰戰爭). In the midst of the Ming-Qing Transition period, Joseon resumed diplomatic relations with Japan, and became a member of the Qing world order under the influence of the Manchu invasion of Joseon in 1627(丁卯胡亂), and the Manchu invasion of Joseon in 1636(丙子胡亂) caused by Ming general is illegally occupy the Ga island(椵島). For the oppressive diplomacy of the Qing, the Joseon used political and military affairs of the Japanese situation connected with the maritime forces of southern. Under the Qing world order, the Joseon actively responded to illegal fishing activities(不法漁業活動) and grasped overseas information through policy on drifting people(漂流民).

택당(澤堂) 이식(李植)의 명청 교체기 자타인식(自他認識)

김대중(Kim Dae Joong) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2016 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.45

본고는 택당(澤堂) 이식(李植, 1584~1647)의 ‘자타인식’(自他認識)을 탐구한다. 택당은 ‘한문 사대가’로 꼽히는 문장가로, 명청 교체기에 주요 외교문서 작성을 맡았다. 그거대한 전환기에 조선 지배 엘리트는 어떤 대응을 했으며, 그 대응은 어떤 사상적 특징을 갖는가? 택당의 사례를 통해 이 문제에 대해 고찰하는 것이 본고의 목표다. 본고는 다음 세 가지에 특히 유의한다. 첫째, ‘청’(淸)과 조선에 대한 인식이 어떻게 상호 연계되면서 ‘자기인식=타자인식’으로서의 ‘자타인식’을 형성하는지에 주목한다. 둘째, 기존에 알려진 간본 『택당집』(澤堂集) 외에도 필사본 『택당유고전집』(澤堂遺稿全集)과 『택당유고간여』(澤堂遺稿刊餘)를 적극 활용하여, 택당의 새로운 면모를 조명한다. 셋째, ‘주화’(主和)와 ‘척화’(斥和)의 이분법에 구애되지 않고 그 사이의 다양한 층차를 고려하면서 택당의 ‘자타인식’을 다층적으로 파악한다. 그런 뒤에 그 계승 양상을 가늠함으로써, 조선후기 지성사에 대한 전망을 넓힌다. 이상의 세 가지에 유의하면서 본고는 택당의 유연한 대청인식, 냉철한 현실인식, 반성적 자기인식 등을 다각도로 분석한다. I investigate T"aektang(澤堂) I Sik(李植, 1584~1647)’s inter-subjective consciousness of Chosŏn and Qing Dynasty. T"aektang, who is regarded as one of ‘Four Great Writers of middle period Chosŏn’(漢文四大家), undertook writing of various diplomatic documents in Ming-Qing transitional period. By analyzing the case of T"aektang, I aim at the reflective review of the ruling elites’ ideological response to the great transformation of Ming-Qing transitional period. Especially, I pay attention to the interrelationship between the self-consciousness of Chosŏn and the recognition of Qing Dynasty. To shed light on various aspects of T"aektang’s inter-subjective consciousness, I use two kinds of manuscript collections of T"aektang’s writings as main text. As for T"aektang’s writings, printed edition T"aektangjip (澤堂集) is well-known and generally referred as main text. But there are manuscript collections of T"aektang’s writings such as T"aektangyugojŏnjip (澤堂遺稿全集) and T"aektangyugoganyŏ(澤堂遺稿刊餘) as well. These two manuscript collections are helpful for new understanding of T"aektang. To recognize T"aektang’s thoght anew, it is also needed to reconsider the dichotomy of ‘the advocacy of negotiation’(主和論) and ‘the rejection of negotiation’(斥和論). Keeping these points in mind, I focus on the complexity of T"aektang’s inter-subjective consciousness.

洪敬謨 「羅德憲傳」 分析

이군선 동방한문학회 2010 동방한문학 Vol.0 No.45

Na Deok heon is a very important figure in understanding the relationship between Houjin and Chosun during the period of transition from Ming to Qing, but he has not been studied adequately in previous research. This study examined Na Deok‐heon based on Hong Yang ho’s epitaph and Hong Gyeong mo’s The Biography of Na Deok heon. Na Deok heon’s life was reconstructed using records made by Hwang Yoon seok, and his fidelity to Ming and his perception of Houjin were analyzed. According to the results of this study, different from King Gwanghae’s flexible diplomatic policies, the main group who led the Restoration of King Injo insisted on fidelity to Ming, and as a result, a negative perception of Houjin had already spread widely in the government and among the people before Qing’s invasion in 1637. As The Biography of Na Deok heon contained Qing Emperor Ch’ien lung’s Jeon un si, Na Deok heon’s doings came to be known in the world and many literati took interest in his works. According to the results of this study, The Biography of Na Deok heon was formed through the process as follows. That is, based on Na Deok heon’s Bukhaengilgi, Hwang Yoon seok’s records were written, based on which Kim Yang haeng’s record on his lifetime was written and this was referred to when Hong Yang ho composed the tombstone inscription. In addition, Hong Gyeong mo’s writing of The Biography of Na Deok‐heon is believed to have been directly connected to Hong Yang‐ho’s tombstone inscription. In writing The Biography of Na Deok hyeon, Hong Gyeong mo emphasized the personal characteristics of Na Deok hyeon during the foundation of the Qing Dynasty by portraying his resistance and fidelity directly and indirectly using episodes. 나덕헌은 명청교체기 후금과 조선의 관계에 대하여 살펴볼 수 있는 매우 중요한 인물임에도 불구하고 아직까지 구체적으로 다루어지지 않은 인물이다. 이 글은 나덕헌에 대하여 홍양호의 비문과 홍경모의 「나덕헌전」을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 나덕헌의 생애에 대해서는 황윤석의 행장을 중심으로 구성하여 당시 대명의리와 대 후금 인식의 단면을 살펴보았다. 그 결과 광해군의 유연한 외교정책과는 달리 인조반정의 주 세력은 대명의리를 주장하였고 후금에 대하여는 부정적인 생각이 이미 병자호란 이전에 형성되어 조야 간에 널리 퍼져 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 「나덕헌전」은 청 건륭황제의 전운시가 나옴으로 인하여 나덕헌의 행적이 천하에 알려지게 되었고, 그 결과 많은 문인들이 나덕헌의 일에 관심을 가질 수 있었다. 이 글은 「나덕헌전」의 형성 경로를 나덕헌의 「북행일기」를 바탕으로 황윤석의 행장이 지어졌고, 이를 바탕으로 김양행의 시장이 지어졌으며, 홍양호가 묘갈명을 지을 때 이를 참고한 것으로 파악하였다. 그리고 홍경모의 「나덕헌전」은 저술의 직접적인 관계는 홍양호의 묘갈명에 두었다. 그 근거는 홍경모가 홍양호의 문집을 정리하여 간행하였으므로 홍양호의 문집을 통하여 나덕헌의 항절 사실을 알 수 있었을 개연성이 많기 때문이다. 홍경모는 「나덕헌전」을 기술하며 청의 칭제건원 시 항절한 나덕헌이라는 인물상을 드러내기 위해 항절에 대한 직접적 묘사와 예화와 간접서술을 통하여 인물의 특징을 부각시키고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다.

曺文秀의 시로 쓴 瀋陽使行

김일환 온지학회 2022 온지논총 Vol.- No.73

In 1643, Jo Mun-su became the second-in-command of the diplomatic mission and went to Shenyang. He fought the enemy on the front line of Namhansanseong Fortress during the Byeongja Horan, and his son Han-young Jo was taken as a hard-liner and captured and detained in Shenyang. In this way, Jo Moon-su, who had no choice but to be hostile to the Qing Dynasty, named his diplomatic process “Seo Jeong-rok” and left it in 20 poems. They were grouped together as a collection of poems and scattered here and there according to the type of poetry. I rearranged these scattered works in chronological order, and in the process, I was able to check the detailed composition of Jo Moon-soo's works. After starting with five words, Jo Moon-soo wrote down the inspiration of the domestic route in Seven line stanzas. At the border between Joseon and Qing Dynasty, after heightening tension with Seven-Syllabic Code Verse, and then arranging the route to the final destination Shenyang again with the Seven line stanzas, after sang the meaning and value of this meandering from Shenyang for a long time to the Seven line stanzas poems, We are arranging the return route with , and ending it with five words like the beginning. In terms of content, the domestic route before the Yalu River used natural objects and relics appropriately to recall the splendid memories of the absence of the Ming dynasty and the dynasty. In Shenyang, the international situation in which Ming and Qing were actually replaced was recounted for a long time. On his way home, he expressed his longing for acquaintances who were detained in Shenyang or who were in a similar situation. It was confirmed that the practice of bureaucrats who went out to the provinces was still continuing, apart from the impact on the consciousness area of ​​the Ming-Qing change. 이 논문은 조문수가 1643년 冬至兼年貢行에서 작성한 16제 18수의 한시로 구성된 「西征錄」을 분석한 결과물이다. 조문수가 심양을 다녀오면서 작성한 일련의 한시는 문집으로 편찬되면서 詩體에 따라 흩어져 있었다. 이를 노정에 따라 다시 배치함으로써 「西征錄」의 본래 모습을 재구했고, 이를 통해 청의 입관 전 심양을 다녀온 조문수의 당시 상황 인식과 감회를 확인할 수 있었다. 조문수는 병자호란 중 남한산성에서 독전어사로서 농성전에 참여했다. 그의 아들 조한영은 척화파로 몰려 심양에서 2년 동안 억류 생활을 하기도 했다. 이렇듯 청나라를 적대할 수밖에 없는 처지에 놓였던 조문수였기에 심양에 다녀오는 속내가 복잡했다. 조문수는 칠언절구 위주로 국내노정의 감흥을 적고, 통군정이라는 조선과 청의 경계에서 칠언율시로 긴장감을 고조시킨 뒤에, 다시 칠언절구로 최종 목적지인 심양까지의 노정을 정리했다. 심양에서 칠언고시로 이번 사행의 의미와 가치를 길게 노래한 뒤에, 다시 칠언절구로 귀로를 정리했다. 친구인 朴遾와의 만남을 노래한 오언절구로 수미쌍관의 구조를 의도하기도 했다. 압록강 이전의 국내노정에서는 자연물과 유적을 적절히 사용하여 명나라의 부재와 대명사행의 흥성스러운 기억을 소환하였다. 심양에서는 실질적으로 명과 청이 교체되는 국제 정세를 길게 읊었다. 귀로에 올라서는 심양에 억류되었거나 이와 비슷한 처지에 놓인 지인들을 그리워하는 감정을 드러내는 한편, 국내 영역에 들어온 이후에는 여느 때 사행이 보여주었던 기녀들과의 만남을 기록하기도 하였다. 이를 통해 명청교체가 주는 의식 영역에서의 충격과 이와 별개로 지방에 나선 관료들의 관행은 여전히 지속되고 있는 점을 확인할 수 있었다.