Performing the Isolated Lawgiver : Solon’s Poetics and Politics Reconsidered

ZHANG Wei 한국서양고전학회 2013 西洋古典學硏究 Vol.52 No.-

Solon the Athenian lawgiver and statesman is also the first Athenian poet to whom a body of poetry is attributed, significant fragments of which have survived. These poems have triggered in recent years increasing scholarly interest of re-reading and re-assessment, which attempts to strike a more nuanced balance between Solon the statesman and Solon the poet. Pursuing along these lines, this paper examines the self-representation of the poet in its performance context and looks at the ways in which it is configured and thereby targets a more complementary relation between Solon’s poetics and politics. Starting from 5<SUP>th</SUP> century BC Solon was remembered by the Greeks as one of the Seven Sages and a performer of wisdom. Since sophia is crucial to Solon’s self-representation as a poet, this early reception of Solon as a sophos is ensured by his poetry, where a poet-lawgiver figure functions as the concrete embodiment of Solonian sophia. Holding onto this classical image of Solon as a representative sophos of the archaic period, I seek to explain the use made of Solon’s persona that emerges from the Solonian corpus of poetry. I argue that the primary function of the paradigmatic persona that is configured in the Solonian corpus is not autobiographical commentary on or self-defense of what the historical Solon did as lawgiver and statesman, but rather for any performer of the poetry in Solon’s absence, historical or metaphorical, to reenact a Solonian sophos as an isolated lawgiver standing in opposition to the tyrant.

18세기 후반 淸代 索倫營의 성립과 붕괴

남상긍 만주학회 2007 만주연구 Vol.- No.6

In the year 1755, Qing Dynasty destroyed nomadic state ‘Jungar[準噶 爾]’ of Northern Xinjiang[北疆] which is located in the northern area of Tian Shan Mountains[天山山脈] of Xinjiang. In succession, Qing Dynasty conquered southern Xinjiang[新疆] completely and settled present Xinjiang. Eventually, Qing Dynasty built a great empire unprecedented in history. But northern Xinjiang region was a strategically important place which Russia had aimed at continuously. It was not only a fine pasture which nomadic tribes who has refused to yield to Qing Dynasty, such as Kazakh [哈薩克] and Kirghiz[黠戞斯, 布魯特], had watched an opportunity to occupy but also a trade road connected to central Eurasia by way of Steppe Route. Hence, it was a strategically important place which Qing Dynasty absolutely never gave up and wanted to keep preserving by all means. Qing Dynasty recruited many soldiers from the other places and immigrants who had to do the duty of cultivating a Garrison Farm[屯田], maintaining their fort[駐防], and executing rotation defence[換防] in order to defend northern Xinjiang looked like a vacant land. As the target of supplementaries, the tribes of Tungus descent and Mongolian lineage were chosen. The tribes of these Tungus descent are Evenki[鄂溫克], Orochon[鄂倫春], Dagbur[達斡爾], and Xibe[錫伯]. These Tribes are generally called as solon. Mongolian descendants include minor Mongolian tribes as well as Chakhar[察哈爾] and Oirad[額魯特].

해은(海隱) 강필효(姜必孝)의 구곡시(九曲詩) 연구(硏究)

장호중 ( Ho Jung Jang ) 한국한문학회 2014 한국한문학연구 Vol.0 No.56

This thesis is a study on Gugok poems of Haeeun GangPilhyo(1764-1848), who is representative YeongNam Solon Confucianist during the latter Chosun dynasty. Gang is is a disciple of Sogok YunGwangSo which succeeded MeongJe YunJeung school hence succeeding Solon Confucianist Ugye SeongHon school. He wrote eight Gugok poems: (1) Gosan Gugok (高山九曲謹次武夷韻) and (2) Nisan Gugok(尼山九曲次武夷韻) poems (both (1) and (2) poems follow the rhyme scheme of Mui Gugok poem) mainly describe Seoin LeeI and YunJeung; (3) Susukong TwiGeoi Gugok(謹次漱石翁退溪九曲) and (4) Susukong Dosan Gugok(次漱石翁陶山九曲韻) poems (both (3) and (4) poems follow the rhyme scheme of Susukong Dosan Gugok poem) mainly describe Namin TwiGeoi LeeHwang; (5) Oksan Gugok(謹次玉山九曲韻) (which follows the rhyme scheme of HwaeJe Oksan Gugok poem) and (6) Meongsan Gugok poem(明山九曲謹次武夷韻) (which follows the rhyme scheme of Mui Gugok poem) mainly describe HwaeJe LeeUnJuk; (7) Daemeongsan Gugok(大明山九曲敬次武夷韻) poem which follows the rhyme scheme of Muidoga poem) and (8) Bubgeoi Gugok poem(法溪九曲歌) mainly describe Bonghwa Bubjun where he lived. Especially, Bubgeoi Gugok poems sing Bubjun where he lived and express his academic status. Daemeongsan Gugok poems present his family history, identity and loyalty about Chinese Myeung Dynasty. Bubgeoi Gugok poem was influenced by Gosan Gugok poem, formed by 3chapters 6 phrases, and composed with 5 words per line. The poem takes a reverse order going upstream (i.e., not going downstream) while taking an example in Mui Gugok poem. However, Daemeongsan Gugok poems go downstream. It shows that he creatively succeeded ancient sages. In other words, he had an open mentality, which is considered an aspect of Solon.

고대 아테네의 법원(法源)과 법 실현의 주체

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 대구사학회 2009 대구사학 Vol.94 No.-

In the ancient Greek polis, the function of state was not so complicated as that of the modern state, the administrative and judicial power distributed to various categories of social group such as villages, families, clans and tribes. In ancient society generally, the division of criminal and civil laws, as well as that of public crime and private wrong (tort), was not so definite, and the sovereignty defining and realizing laws was not standardized but multiple. The centrifugal propensity and multifarious phases of ancient society caused the customary or unwritten laws to have a greater gravity than the written or statute laws. To say that Dracon`s Law was the first written law in the ancient Greek society does not mean that the society was based on the written laws themselves. Solon`s Law, which was said to have discarded all the articles of Dracon`s Law except the clause relating to involuntary murder, was looked upon as an ancestral, and all the laws, being established in later periods for about 250 years, were assumed to be his. Sonlon`s Law referred not only to any specific items, but to some principles of legitimacy which made a room for public opinion and the customary or unwritten laws to operate. Here, we could say that, the real gist is not whether the law is customary, unwritten or written law, but who has the sovereignty to define and materialize laws in reality. Not to speak of a public or a private, prosecution was set up by private initiation, and the sentence as well as execution of laws was is in most part carried out by the public. The judicial institution, in which the public took the initiative, shows up that the structure of polis was not bureaucratic and that the judicial power was not an exclusive possession of some kind of limited politicians.

한국어와 솔론 어웡키어의 동명사어미 대조 연구

칼리나(Kalina) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2021 언어학 Vol.- No.90

This paper aims to compare the participles of Korean and Solon Evenki, to identify similarities and differences in their semantic functions and usage. Solon Evenki has two participle forms as ‘-r’ and ‘-saa/-caa’, which are used to make an adnominal clause and a nominal clause. They both correspond to adnominal endings ‘-neun, -(eu)r, -(eu)n, -deon’ and nominalizing endings ‘-(eu)m, -gi’ of Korean. But in Korean, adnominal endings and nominalizing endings can be combined with verbs as well as adjectives. On the other hand, the participles of Solon Evenki can only combined with verbs. The participle forms of Solon Evenki, which correspond to ‘-neun’ and ‘-(eu)r’ of Korean, is ‘-r’. Unlike Korean, ‘-r’ does not mean an action is currently in progress. When indicating that an action is currently in progress, the progressive form ‘-ji-’ shall be combined before ‘-r’. The participle form of Solon Evenki, which correspond to the semantic function of ‘-(eu)n’ is ‘-saa/-caa’. The representative meaning of ‘-deon’ in Korean is interruption. When ‘-deon’ is used as interruption, Solon Evenki generally uses ‘-ji-saa’ which combines progressive form ‘-ji-’ and ‘-saa’, or uses ‘-saa/-caa’. The nominal ending ‘-(eu)m’ in Korean corresponds to ‘-r’ of Solon Evenki. But ‘-at/eosseum’(‘-았/었음’) which combined with ‘-at/eot-’(‘-았/었-’) corresponds to ‘-saa/-caa’ of Solon Evenki. The participle form of Solon Evenki, which corresponds to ‘-gi’, is also ‘-r’. ‘-(eu)m’ and ‘-gi’ in Korean can end sentences, but ‘-r’ in Solon Evenki has no such usage, it is expressed by the indicative ending.

솔론어, 한국어와 일본어간의 어휘비교

리즈코프안드리이 ( Ryzhkov Andrii ) 한국어문학국제학술포럼 2013 Journal of Korean Culture Vol.23 No.-

Korean language only hypothetically belongs to the Altaic language family. The Solon language is one of the Tunguso-Manchurian languages, which are viewed by majority of scholars as Altaic ones. Uncertainty referring to the issue of the origin and linkages of Korean language makes it important to start with thorough comparison of Korean and Japanese with the Tunguso-Manchurian language group in order to prove their relation. The comparison of Korean language with the Japanese one may undoubtedly reveal plenty of common traits. However, such common features can not be perfectly used as a convincing argument of two language’s interconnection. On the other hand, if data of some third language of doubtless Altaic origin appears to support coincidences between Korean and Japanese, we shall get more reasons to render such coincidences not only as contacts, but obviously as the lexical layer of common Altaic origin. Thus, in this paper Korean and Japanese lexemes are provided with Solon language parallels taken mainly from the manuscript of Aleksey Osypovich Ivanovskiy Specimens of the Solon and the Dagur languages in which the scholar describes Solon and Dagur languages, and furthermore attested by the Etymological dictionary of Altaic languages (EDAL). The investigation was also fortified by other dictionaries and research works. The Solon language was used in Northern Manchuria and some other regions of China. Solon language is considered to be isolated from the rest of Tunguso-Manchurian languages. It is the most southern among Tungusic languages.

淸 康熙 연간 黑龍江將軍 관할구 駐防 건설 ― 솔론・다구르 등 원주 집단 재편을 중심으로 ―

고석현 명청사학회 2023 명청사연구 Vol.- No.59

The conclusion of the Nerchinsk treaty in 1689 meant the Amur River basin was publicly recognized as a part of Qing territory. But it did not mean the area had been a part of Manchu territory since Nurhaci and Hongtaiji. There were Qing dynasty’s expeditions to the Amur River basin before the 1680s. But these expeditions were aimed at capturing the population rather than territorial expansion. Moreover, most of the expeditions were aimed at middle and lower Amur River basin, and the expedition to the upper and middle Amur River basin was only conducted around 1639. The vast Amur-Nun River basin, the northern area of Mukden-Jilin-Ninguta, was still regarded as one of ‘the outer feudatories(waifan)’, which was not under the direct control of Qing. In the 1680s, when Russians built a fortress in Albazin, the indegenous groups in the upper and middle Amur River basins, such as Solon and Dagūr pled for military aid to Qing court. Kangxi emperor proceeded the expeditions to drive the Russians out of the Amur River basin. To secure troops for the Albazin Expeditions, parts of Solon and Dagūr was incorporated into the Eight Banners. Even after the Albazin Expeditions, Qing court continued to organize Solon, Dagūr and neighboring Sibe and Barhu to become the bannermen under Heilongjiang general and to be stationed at the banner garrisons such as Mergen and Cicigar. At the same time, Solon and Dagūr of Butha Niru, which was one of the outer feudatories and under the jurisdiction of Court of Colonial Dependencies(lifanyuan), became jurisdiction of the military district of Heilongjiang general. As a result, people living in the Amur-Nun River basin came under the jurisdiction of the military district of Heilongjiang general. The Amur-Nun River basin changed from one of the outer feudatories, which had only a loose relationship with Qing court, to ‘the military district of Heilongjiang general’, a ‘direct territory’ governed by a Garrison General of Qing.

에벤키족 씨족명 어근을 중심으로 시베리아 토착민족 씨족명 분석

엄순천 배재대학교 한국-시베리아센터 2015 한국시베리아연구 Vol.19 No.1

The subjects of analysis in the present study, the Clan name roots Edjan, Dol/Dul, Solon, Kur, Kili, while distributed commonly among the Altai, Enisej, and isolated language groups, are most widely distributed among the Evenki. As the results of Analysis of this study, the clan name root 'Edjan~' is believed to have originated in Jurchen, clan name 'Edjan~' is seen as a Russian transcription. Clan name 'Dol/Dul~' appeared consistently in the literature, including Chinese literature until the 19th century, after first appeared in the literature of Bulgaria Duke at 2 century. The clan name Solon widely spread across Siberia, including the Manchu-Tungus language group nations of the Altai language family, the Turk language family. Clan name 'Solon' has emerged from the clan Evenki of Zabajkal'e, and it can be assumed that the clan was a group belonging to the S- dialect. 'Kur~' clan seems to have been originated from the Turkic language group of Enisej River, and spread to the Evenki clan. The clan name root 'Kili~' is widely distributed among indigenous Siberian nations, but is most frequently found among the Manchu-Tungus, especially the Evenki. 본 논문에서는 에벤키족 사이에서 가장 많이 발견되지만 만주-퉁구스어파를 비롯한 알타이제어, 사모예드어파를 비롯한 우랄제어, 고아시아제어 등에 폭넓게 분포된 씨족명 어근 에댠, 돌/둘, 솔론, 쿠르, 킬리의 기원, 변이형 및 분포현황, 위 씨족명이 존재하는 시베리아 제 민족 사이의 친연관계를 규명하였다. 본 논문의 분석 결과 씨족명 ‘에댠~’은 예니세이 타이가 지역에서는 발견되지 않으며 12세기 오츠크해 연안에서 위 씨족명이 발견되는 점과 만주족와 나나이족 가운데 위 씨족명이 존재한다는 점으로 미루어 바이칼 서쪽이 아닌 바이칼 동쪽에서 오츠크 해에 이르는 지역, 즉 고대 에벤키어 S-방언 지역인 아무르강 연안에서 출현했다고 할 수 있다. 따라서 이 유형의 씨족은 고대 에벤키족에서 기원하여 만주-퉁구스어권 민족, 몽골어권과 투르크어권 민족 사이로 광범위하게 전파되었다고 유추할 수 있다. 씨족명 ‘돌/둘~’은 2세기 불가리아 공작의 기록에서 처음으로 문헌에 등장한 이후 19세기까지 중국문헌을 비롯한 여러 문헌에 꾸준히 등장한다. ‘돌/둘~’형 씨족의 기원에 관해 명확한 입장은 없지만 이 유형의 씨족이 자바이칼리예부터 프리아무리예, 야쿠티야 그리고 그보다 더 먼 곳까지 분포되어 있는 점, 기원전 이미 불가리아 지역에서 이 씨족명이 발견되는 점으로 미루어 이 씨족은 먼 과거 남쪽에서 자바이칼리예 퉁구스어권 민족에 편입한 뒤 북쪽 지역으로 퍼져 나갔다고 할 수 있다. ‘솔론~’ 씨족은 알타이제어권의 만주-퉁구족어권, 몽골어권, 투르크어권에도 두루 분포되어 있고 모두 에벤키족에서 기원하기 때문에 자바이칼리예 에벤키족에서 출현했으며 S-방언 그룹에 속하는 씨족이었을 것이라고 추정할 수 있다. ‘쿠르~’ 씨족은 바이칼 서쪽 방면 예니세이강 인근의 투르크어권에서 출현하여 바이칼 인근의 에벤키족에게 전파된 것으로 보이는데 이들은 에벤키족에 적극적으로 편입하지는 않았다. ‘킬리~’ 씨족은 만주-퉁구스어권 민족, 특히 에벤키족에게서 가장 많이 분포되어 있지만 나나이, 네기달, 오로치, 오로크, 울치, 에벤족 등 만주-퉁구스어권의 거의 모든 민족에게서 발견된다. ‘킬리~’ 씨족은 아무르강의 에벤키족에서 출현했으며 만주-퉁구스어권 여러 민족에 편입하여 ‘킬리~’ 씨족의 기원이 되었음을 알 수 있다. 결론적으로 에벤키족은 만주-퉁구스어권 여러 민족의 씨족 형성에 중요한 역할을 했으며 지금은 다른 민족으로 분류되지만 위 씨족명을 가진 집단(씨족)은 동일한 기원을 가진다고 할 수 있다.

솔론 어웡키어의 명사 인칭법

칼리나 사단법인 한국언어학회 2019 언어학 Vol.0 No.83

This paper aims at examining the meaning, function, and usage of nominal person marking in Solon Ewenki. Nominal person marking is a grammatical category that plays a very important role in Solon Ewenki, which indicates a (reflexive) possessive relationship between the possessor and possessions. It can be divided into two categories: possessive form of person marker and reflexive possessive form of person marker. While possessive forms of person marker have distinction based on number and person, reflexive possessive forms of person marker have distintion only between singular and plural, but no distinction according to person. It can be combined with nouns (including adjectives and numerals) as well as participle(gerund endings) and some conjunctional endings. When a person marker is attached, the object points to a specific and detailed property. In addition, it is easy to judge whether one or two subjects are given only by the person marker of conjunctive sentences and embedded sentences. Therefore it can be seen as a kind of subject marking tool.

Phonetic correspondences in the languages of the Ewenki of Russia and China

( Nadezhda Bulatova ) 한국알타이학회 2014 알타이학보 Vol.0 No.24

The Ewenki live not only in Russia. They live in the People`s Republic ofChina, too. In China the ethnonym “Ewenki” covers three ethnic groups: Solons (Ewonki), Tungus (Tungus), and Yakuts (Jakute), while the Ewenkiof Russia identify themselves as one ethnic group. This paper is based onmaterials of the author`s scientific expeditions to China. It deals with somephonetic interchanges in languages of the Ewenki of the Russian Federation and those of the People`s Republic of China in a synchronic level. Examples of most typical phonetic and lexical correspondences of Solon (China) and Ewenki (Russia) are given in the paper. The goal of the paper is to givephonetic correspondences in the languages of the Ewenki of Russia and China on the basis of comparable method.