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이기학 한국노인복지학회 2006 노인복지연구 Vol.0 No.34
This is to analyze the difference between value system and political consciousness according to the sociodemographic characteristics of the elderly. For this purpose a survey was conducted to 352 aged men who live in Chung-nam province from October, 15 to November, 30. Firstly, there were remarkable distinctions in political consciousness according to the sex, age range, education level, marriage type, type of residence (whether they live with offsprings or not), and birth place. It was shown that males had higher political interest and national consciousness, while females had higher political reliance. It was revealed that the older they were, the higher political interest they had, whereas the higher education they had, the higher political reliance they showed. Married old men showed higher national consciousness or political interest, while elders living with spouse had higher interests in politics. In addition, those who were born in Chung-cheong Do had the highest reliance in the politics. Secondly, the value system of the elderly were significant only according to the education level of them, that is, those with higher education showed to be highly group-oriented than those with elementary education. Thirdly, from the analysis of the correlation between sense of values and political consciousness, it was shown that as group-oriented value increased, national consciousness and political interest rose, whereas as individual-oriented value increased, political reliance rose. In terms of male elders, those with higher group-oriented value showed higher national consciousness. 본 연구는 노인들의 사회인구학적 특성에 따라서 가치체계와 정치의식의 차이를 분석하고, 가치관이 정치의식에 미치는 영향의 차이를 살펴보고자 하였다. 이를 위해 2003년 10월 15일부터 11월 30일까지 충남에 거주하는 노인 352명을 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하였고 그 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 노인의 성별, 연령대, 학력, 결혼형태, 자녀와의 동거형태, 출생지에 따라 정치의식의 차이가 두드러졌다. 정치관심과 국가의식은 남성이 높고, 정치신뢰는 여성이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 나이가 많을수록 정치관심이 높은 것으로, 학력이 높을수록 현재의 정치를 신뢰하는 것으로 나타났다. 기혼자가 정치에 대한 관심이나 국가의식이 높았으며, 배우자와 동거하고 있는 노인이 정치에 대한 관심이 높고, 충청도에서 태어난 노인들이 정치에 대한 신뢰정도가 가장 높았다. 둘째, 노인의 가치체계는 학력에 따른 차이만 유의하였다. 즉, 고졸이상인 노인들이 초졸의 노인에 비해 집단주의적 성향이 강한 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 가치관이 정치의식에 미치는 영향력을 살펴본 결과, 집단주의 가치관이 강할수록 정치관심이 적극적인 것으로 나타났고, 개인주의 가치관이 높을수록 정치신뢰가 높았다. 끝으로 집단주의 가치관이 높을수록 국가의식도 높았다.
정치이념과 공공가치의 관계: 시민의 주관적 인식을 중심으로
이석환,오지은 한국정책과학학회 2025 한국정책과학학회보 Vol.29 No.2
This study aimed to complement the limitations of previous studies by empirically examining the effect of citizens’ political ideology on their perception of the public value. The data were collected through an online survey using a structured questionnaire. The public value measurement model was designed through a process of selecting sub-values that constitute the public value by reviewing the literature, writing statements for each sub-value, and making questionnaire items. The results of internal consistency analysis and confirmatory factor analysis show that the public value measurement model has excellent reliability and validity, respectively. The results of the regression analysis show that citizens’ political ideology affects their perception of public value, and furthermore, the closer citizens’ political ideology is to the ruling party’s political ideology, the higher they perceive the level of public value creation by the government. The above results have the following academic and practical implications. First, this study tries to overcome the measurement problems of previous studies by examining factors affecting the public value using a reliable ans valid public value measurement model. Second, this study contributes to the formation of a theoretical model explaining the public value by analyzing factors that affect citizens’ perception of the public value, including political ideology. Third, the results of this study, which show that citizens’ political ideology affects their perception of public values, suggest that the results may be biased if public value perception is surveyed using samples extracted without considering political ideology.
이완기 영미문학연구회 2008 영미문학연구 Vol.15 No.-
Value is the crucial locus where politics, economy and culture converge. Exploring possibilities of cultural theory of value, this article focuses upon the question of value and actual process of value formation related, in particular, to operativity and performativity of narrative as the cognitive operation constitutive of financial narrative politics for value transference in the discourse of financial crisis. It revisits value theory of Simmel and Marx to articulate economic theory of value into cultural politics of narrative, following Ricoeur, as a mechanism of value transference which is correlated with the financial doctrine of entanglement and contagion. Through narrative where utterances and statements perform as collective operativity of information, a value is constructed and transferred to inform and motivate actors. Narrative structure is thus a meta frame of cultural valorization of the economic value. At the stage of financial capital a systematic interpretation over a specific instance takes a form of narrative through which actors resort to perform, constructing the notion of the sensible in value realization. It is a crucial aspect of cultural production under financial capitalism, valorizing the uncertainty of financial flows by producing signifying chain of value through narrative process. Therefore to answer the "onto-phenomenological question" of value, the value production in economic sphere should be necessarily articulated into "an adequate analogy to the psychoanalytic narrative" that explains how economic value can acquire meanings beyond economy in individual mind as well as in social relation. As "the question of value necessarily receives a textualized answer," as Spivak penetrates, it is narrative as the subsumption mechanism through which a notion or consciousness of value is accompanied in the construction of value as Simmel and Ricoeur emphasize on how a value can be represented in sequence or narrative process. It is cultural studies' share to analyze the dominant value politics conveyed in the textuality of everyday narrative. By dissecting its operativity and performativity the dominant value politics operates as an effective activation of real subsumption, cultural theory, in an effort to conceptualize another possibility of value transference, can demystify and thus can disrupt the chain of cultural valorization of the economic value under financial regime.
가치의 갈등과 한국인의 정치참여: 2010년 세계 가치관 조사를 중심으로
김연숙 ( Yeun-sook Kim ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2017 한국정치연구 Vol.26 No.3
This paper explores that various values at the individual level effect on political participation in the condition of group cultures. I posit that the cultural values of materialism and post-materialism have been mixed, which have co-existed as an hybrid form with both implicit value and explicit value. And I argue the values may play an important role in voting and unconventional participation. Analyzing of 2010 World Value Survey including Schwartz’s Value Study (SVS) in Korea, I found the below four main evidences of value’s effects on participation. First, post-materialistic group is more active than materialistic group in unconventional participation. However the value effect on voting is not linear. Secondly, the mixed group has more ambivalent and conflict value than the homogeneous group, but the interactions of each value make them more active in participation. Third, the value of self-enhancement among Schwartz’s value and democratic value related to civil rights and duties have a positive effect on motivation of participation. The value of self-transcendence and the perception of authority have also positive effect on voting. Fourth, I found that mixed value group can activate to vote when implicit and explicit value work together in their minds, whereas unconventional participation has mainly been attributed to explicit value. The findings indicate that individual values are basic factors in political participation.
( Wan Gi Lee ) 영미문학연구회 2008 영미문학연구 Vol.15 No.-
Value is the crucial locus where politics, economy and culture converge. Exploring possibilities of cultural theory of value, this article focuses upon the question of value and actual process of value formation related, in particular, to operativity and performativity of narrative as the cognitive operation constitutive of financial narrative politics for value transference in the discourse of financial crisis. It revisits value theory of Simmel and Marx to articulate economic theory of value into cultural politics of narrative, following Ricoeur, as a mechanism of value transference which is correlated with the financial doctrine of entanglement and contagion. Through narrative where utterances and statements perform as collective operativity of information, a value is constructed and transferred to inform and motivate actors. Narrative structure is thus a meta frame of cultural valorization of the economic value. At the stage of financial capital a systematic interpretation over a specific instance takes a form of narrative through which actors resort to perform, constructing the notion of the sensible in value realization. It is a crucial aspect of cultural production under financial capitalism, valorizing the uncertainty of financial flows by producing signifying chain of value through narrative process. Therefore to answer the onto-phenomenological question of value, the value production in economic sphere should be necessarily articulated into an adequate analogy to the psychoanalytic narrative that explains how economic value can acquire meanings beyond economy in individual mind as well as in social relation. As the question of value necessarily receives a textualized answer, as Spivak penetrates, it is narrative as the subsumption mechanism through which a notion or consciousness of value is accompanied in the construction of value as Simmel and Ricoeur emphasize on how a value can be represented in sequence or narrative process. It is cultural studies` share to analyze the dominant value politics conveyed in the textuality of everyday narrative. By dissecting its operativity and performativity the dominant value politics operates as an effective activation of real subsumption, cultural theory, in an effort to conceptualize another possibility of value transference, can demystify and thus can disrupt the chain of cultural valorization of the economic value under financial regime.
한국의 ‘진보’와 ‘보수’는 어떤 가치를 중시하는가?: 정치가치 지지에 대한 잠재프로파일분석
이하연,최훈석,박주화,이지영 한국사회및성격심리학회 2026 한국심리학회지 사회 및 성격 Vol.40 No.2
개인의 정치성향에 관한 사회심리학 및 정치심리학 연구는 자기명명식 정치성향이나 지지 정당, 이념, 현안 태도 등을 기준으로 개인의 정치성향을 규정해왔다. 이와 달리 본 연구는 개인이 신봉하는 가치를 기준으로 정치성향을 연구함으로써 새로운 통찰을 발견할 수 있다는 전제하에, 2024년을 기점으로 국내 주요 정당(국민의힘, 더불어민주당) 지지자를 대상으로 그들의 정치가치 중시 양상을 확인하였다. 잠재프로파일분석을 통해 발견된 총 다섯 개 유형(프로파일)을 해석한 결과, 중도층과 분리되는 진보와 보수층이 각각 두 개의 세부 유형으로 구분되었다. 그리고 다섯 개 유형에서 특수한 정치가치 중시 양상과 정치이념 및 태도 특성이 발견되었다. 이는 한국에서 진보 대 보수로 정치성향을 이분법적으로 이해하는 것은 적절하지 않음을 시사한다. 본 연구 결과를 토대로 한국인들의 정치성향과 태도에 관한 후속연구 방향과, 정치 양극화 및 극단화에 관한 사회심리학 연구의 필요성을 논하였다. Social and political psychology research has demonstrated individuals’ political stances through self-reported political orientations (liberal-conservative), partisan identity, issue-focused political attitudes, and more. The current study proposes that a value-driven approach has a unique contribution to understanding individuals’ political orientation as well as complicated modern political situations, beyond a conceptual distinction between liberals and conservatives. We developed a conceptual model of political values for the Korean political context based on a theoretical background and explored the patterns of endorsement of political values among Korean voters in 2024. Latent profile analyses showed five different types of Korean voters, each representing unique patterns supporting seven political values, followed by their self-attributed political orientations, ideologies (social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism), and attitudes toward current political issues in Korea. These results suggest the need to understand Koreans’ political orientation with a more nuanced approach rather than a liberal-conservative dichotomy. We discuss the implications of our findings regarding political and affective polarization in Korea and future directions of social psychological research on political attitudes and behaviors.
시민의 정치이념과 공공가치 인식 -광역자치단체를 대상으로-
김명환 ( Kim Myeonghwan ) 한국지방자치학회 2024 한국지방자치학회보 Vol.36 No.4
This study aims at expanding the scope of public value research by empirically examining the relationship between political ideology and public values. A public value measurement model is designed, and the level of public value creation by metropolitan governments is measured through an online survey. The results of internal consistency analysis and confirmatory factor analysis indicate that the public value measurement model demonstrates excellent reliability and validity. Regression analysis reveals that citizens' political ideology had a statistically significant effect on their perception of public value levels. Furthermore, when citizens and local government leaders share the same political ideology, citizens perceive a higher level of public value compared to cases where their ideologies differ. However, the political ideology of local government leaders do not have a statistically significant effect on the level of public value. These findings suggest that the political ideological tendencies of citizens and politicians should be considered when interpreting public value creation levels. Additionally, public value perception surveys that do not account for political ideological tendencies during sample selection may produce biased results.
오관석(Oh Kwan-suk),지충남(Ji Chung-nam) 한국정치정보학회 2008 정치정보연구 Vol.11 No.2
본 연구의 목적은 지방정치에 있어서 도시민의 가치체계와 정치의식이 정치행태에 미치는 영향과 그 특징을 연구하였다. 특히 지방 정치문화의 표층 및 심층구조가 어떻게 정치행태에 나타나는가를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 지방의 정치문화는 여전히 향리적 정치문화의 요소가 많았고 전근대적 정치행태의 모습을 갖고 있다. 또한 지방 도시민의 가치태도와 의식의 정도가 큰 차이를 보이고 있지는 않고 미발전된 상태에 머물고 있는 수준이다. 지방 도시민들은 정치행태의 차원에서 유의미한 차이를 보이고 있지만 대체로 미미한 수준이고, 지방 정치문화는 특별한 정치행태의 특징을 보이지는 않았다. 결국 정치적 가치와 참여, 정치활동과 정치표출은 유의미한 결과는 나타나지 않았고, 상당한 수준에서 정치문화는 미분화 되어 있다. 결국, 지방 도시민의 정치문화는 정치과정에서 소외되고 있는 ‘소외의 문화’이며 저발전이 되어 있다는 사실이다. 또한 지방 정치문화는 지방의 전통적 정향과 가치가 유형화되어 있다는 것을 알 수 있었다. The purpose of this study was to research the feature which is the system of political values and political consciousness of citizens in the local politics have been effected on the political behavior. It was studied, especially, how does it come out to political behavior that the layer and in-depth structure of the local political culture. We knew that political culture in the local was to be seen a element of parochial political culture and political behavior of pre-modern society. It was not also differences to degree which local citizens have the attitude of values and consciousness but level of under development. It was to be seen a little difference that Local citizens have showed a statistical meaning in the political behavior, but not to be seen the feature that local political culture had political behavior. After all, it was not to appear the meaning result in which political values and participation, political activities and political expression. And political culture did not a relative differentiation. This study, in conclusion, showed the fact which local citizens alienated by and which political culture was not development. We knew also that Political culture in local became the traditional orientation and values being typical models.
박형준(Hyung Jun Park),이명석(Myungsuk Lee),김근세(Keun Sei Kim),최상옥(Sang Ok Choi),임주영(Joo Young Lim) 한국정책과학학회 2013 한국정책과학학회보 Vol.17 No.3
행정가치란 일반적으로 공무원들이 행정활동에서 지침으로 삼아야할 행동원리 또는 규범이자, 행정이 추구하는 방향이다. 현대행정학의 발달에서부터 정치행정 일원론과 이원론에 논쟁에 따라 민주성과 효율성이 행정의 주요가치로 등장하면서 지금까지 관리적가치와 정치적가치들이 주요한 행정의 가치로서 간주되어져 왔다. 하지만 최근 헌법재판소의 결정에 의한 행정과 정책의 최종결정이 이루어지면서 실제 관료들이 추구하고 행동의 원칙으로 삼아야할 규칙으로서 헌법적가치의 중요성이 부각되었다. 이러한 문제인식하에 본 연구는 어떠한 행정의 가치들이 실제 공무원들에 의해 인되고 있으며, 행정가치간의 상대적 중요성은 어떻게 인식되고 있는지를 탐색적으로 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이를 위해서 기존의 선행연구들에서 21개의 행정가치를 추출하고 Rosenbloom의 행정가치군 분류인 헌법적가치, 관리적가치, 정치적가치로 분류하여 계층화하였다. 또한, 행정가치간의 상대적 중요성과 가중치 탐색을 위해서 계층적 분석과정기법(AHP)를 적용하여 중앙공무원 93명의 설문조사를 분석하였다. 그 결과 헌법적가치가 가장 상대적 중요도가 높았으며 정치적 가치의 상대적 중요성이 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 더불어 21개의 행정가치중에서 헌법적 가치인 인간의 존엄성이 가장 중요한 가치로 밝혀졌으며, 다음으로 청렴성, 합법성 등의 순서로 발견되었다. 그리고 예상외로 효율성과 민주성 등의 가치는 높지 않은 것으로 나타났다. This study explores the boundaries and comparative meanings of administrative value among 21 various public administrative values. The study of public administrative values is often fundamental problem in the study of public administration and public policy, We need to revisit the Rohr and Rosemblem"s argument of administrative value and Wilson"s "the study of public administration idea" and should re-think the public administrative value and bureaucrat role. We classify three administrative values, consitutional, managerial, and political vale and compare these values how to consider an importance. For this, we use analytic hierarchical process(AHP) and data collected from 93 Korea national government officials. The results show us constitutional value is regard as the most important administrative values and next is managirial value. Political values such as democracy and equality are the lowest among these categorized values. The right of human diginity is recognized as the most important values among all administrative values, the second is integrity, the third is legality. The least important value is balance and reconcilability. Interesting is efficiencey and democracy is not too high score in this analysis.
박미혜 한국소비자정책교육학회 2020 소비자정책교육연구 Vol.16 No.2
정치적 소비는 주로 서구 민주국가에서 보편적으로 나타나고 최근 연구의 관심이 증가하고 있다. 그러나 선행 연구들은 정치적 소비의 척도구성이나 실증적인 연구에 한계점을 가지며, 국내에서도 아직 연구가 부족한 실정이 다. 따라서 본 연구는 정치적 소비의 수준을 파악하고 정치적 소비에 영향을 주는 관련변수와 영향력 정도를 규 명하는 연구목적을 갖는다. 광범위한 선행연구를 바탕으로 독립변수는 인구통계적 특성, 동기(내적동기, 이슈관 심, 소비효능감), 가치(글로벌 친사회성, 보편주의), 정치적 태도(정치적 관심, 정치적 신뢰), 정보활동(정보습 득, 커뮤니케이션, 온라인콘텐츠생산) 변수로 구성하였다. 정치적 소비는 바이콧, 보이콧, 담론적 정치적 소비, 라이프스타일 정치로 분류하여 한국실정에 맞도록 개발된 국내척도를 기반으로 하였다. 연구방법은 전국적인 할 당표집 방식의 온라인 조사를 실시하여 분석하였다. 본 연구의 주요결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 정치적 소비의 전반적 수준은 전체 평균이 보통이상으로 나타났다. 정치적 소비의 영역별 평균점수는 보이콧, 바이콧, 담론적 정치적 소비, 라이프스타일 정치의 순이었다. 둘째, 인 구통계적 특성에 따른 정치적 소비수준의 차이를 살펴보면, 바이콧, 보이콧은 모든 변수들이 집단 간 유의미한 평균차이를 보였다. 담론적 정치적 소비는 학력, 직업이, 라이프스타일 정치에는 결혼여부, 학력, 직업이 유의미 한 평균차이를 보였다. 셋째, 정치적 소비의 각 영역들은 어떤 변수들에 의해 영향을 받으며, 그 영향력은 어떠 한지를 알아보았다. 전체적으로, 인구통계적 특성 요인은 영향력이 높지 않았고 동기, 가치, 정치적 태도, 정보활 동 관련변수들에서 영향력이 높게 나타났다. 모든 정치적 소비 영역에 공통적으로 유의미한 영향을 주는 변수는 사회적 동일시 동기, 온라인콘텐츠 생산이었다. 연구결과를 통해서 볼 때, 글로벌 사회에서 소비문제 인식 감수 성을 높이고 소비자주권과 책임을 강화하기 위해서는 분석에서 유의한 영향변수로 나타난 동기의 활성화와 가치 의 함양이 필요하다고 볼 수 있다. 특히 상호간의 연결과 유대를 중시하는 사회적 동일시 동기와 온라인콘텐츠 생산이 정치적 소비의 전 영역에 유의한 영향변수로 나타난 결과는 SNS가 성장하는 최근의 추세에서 이의 활용 이 정치적 소비의 성장에 주는 함의가 크다고 볼 수 있다. 개인화된 책임수용으로도 언급되는 정치적 소비는 정 치의 대체라기보다 보완적인 측면으로 볼 수 있으며 이를 위해서는 다양한 가버넌스가 필요하다. 끝으로 정부, 기업, 시민사회, 소비자등의 이해당사자에 대한 제언 및 본 연구의 한계점을 보완한 후속연구의 필요성을 밝혔다. The political consumption is mainly found in Western democracies, and recently there is increasing interest in its study. However, prior studies have limitations in the scale of the political consumption and empirical research, and there's little research in Korea. Therefore, this study aims at grasping the level of political consumption, and identifying the related variables and the degree of influence on the political consumption. Based on the extensive previous research, the independent variables were consisted of demographic factors, motivations (intrinsic motivation, issue concerns, consumption efficacy), values(global prosociality, universalism), political attitudes(political interest, political trust), and information activities(information acquisition, communication, online content production). The political consumption was based on the existing scale which was categorized into buycott, boycott, discursive political consumption, and lifestyle politics. As a research method, the online survey was conducted by nationwide quota sampling, and data was analyzed. The main research results are as follows. First, the overall level of political consumption was above average. The average scores for each area of political consumption were high in the order of boycott, buycott, discursive political consumption, and lifestyle politics. Second, looking at the results of the difference in the level of political consumption according to demographic characteristics, all variables showed a significant mean difference in buycott and boycott. The variables of education and occupation showed a significant mean difference in discursive political consumption. Additionally, variables of marital status, education and occupation showed a significant mean difference in lifestyle politics. Third, the variables that influence political consumption and their effect on it were examined. Overall, the demographic variables did not appear to be highly influential, but the related variables of motivation, value, political attitude, and information activity were highly influential. Both social-identification motivation and online content production were variables that had a significant influence on all areas of political consumption. Therefore, in order to increase the sensitivity of consumption problem in the global society, and to strengthen consumer sovereignty and responsibility, it is necessary to activate the motivations and cultivate the values, which were found to be significant variables in the analysis. In particular, if it is considered that social-identification motivation which is focused on mutual connection and online content production were found to be a significant influence on all areas of political consumption, the utilization of SNS have a big implication to the growth of political consumption with the recent trend of SNS growth. Political consumption, also referred to as individualized responsibilitytaking can be viewed as a complementary aspect rather than a substitute for politics, and various governances are required for political consumption. Finally, it suggested the proposals for stakeholders such as the government, business, civil society, and consumers, and the need for follow-up studies that supplement the limitations of this study.