엽서를 통한 운동, 엽서에 담긴 주의 - 『신생활』 소재 <엽서운동>, <사립검사국>을 중심으로

정한나 한국문학연구학회 2023 현대문학의 연구 Vol.- No.79

This article analyzes how <Postcard Movement> accepted Toshihiko Sakai’s <Hagaki Movement>(1919), and discusses in what manner the methodology of the <Postcard Movement is realized through the <Private Prosecutor> in “New Life.”(1922) In the 1910s, during the so-called Taisho Democracy, Sakai set the emergence of a socialist party as his final goal. However, he decided that suffrage must be first and devoted himself to a universal suffrage campaign. Rather than insisting on pure-blooded, legitimate socialism, he tried to expand the scope of the movement by seeking broad solidarity. In <Hagaki Movement>, the movement is essentialized as fun, concise, and persevering, and it is argued that this methodology should apply to suffrage. As such, <Hagaki Movement> briefly reveals the methodology of the political movement that Sakai practiced during this period. On the other, <Postcard Movement>, which Il-yong Shin adopted, not only sympathizes with Sakai’s movement’s strategy but also transforms <Hagaki Movement> by reflecting on colonial realities. Consequently, <Postcard Movement> emphasizes the inevitability of the movement compared to the <Hagaki Movement> and stresses the reality of the movement by describing the inner side of the subject and object of the movement in detail. The difference between <Hagaki Movement> and <Postcard Movement> is the predicament of the socialists in colonial Korea. The strategies conceived in <Postcard Movement> led to the writing practice of the Private Prosecutor. The writings of the <Private Prosecutor>, who satirically and succinctly commented on timely issues, used socialism as a framework for examining reality, not a subject of static academic research. Accordingly, the <Private Prosecutor> exemplifies the socialist criticism of pending issues in colonial Korea and practices writing aimed at both colonial authorities and readers. The above discussion is significant in that it compensates for the vacuum of preceding studies focused on argumentative texts and discovers various aspects of socialist writing that appeared in the early 1920s. 이 글은 사카이 도시히코(堺利彦)의 <하가키운동(ハガキ運動)>(1919)이 『신생활』의 <엽서운동>으로 수용되는 양상을 분석하고, ‘엽서운동’이라는 방법론이 <사립검사국>을 통해 실현되고 있음을 밝히는 데 그 목적이 있다. 이른바 다이쇼 데모크라시로 칭해지는 1910년대, 사카이 도시히코는 사회주의 정당의 출현을 최종 목적으로 설정하였으나 이를 위해서는 선거권 운동이 선결되어야 한다고 판단하고 고 보통선거 운동에 진력했다. 사회주의의 순혈성과 정통성을 고집하기보다는 폭넓은 연대를 꾀하면서 운동의 외연을 확장하려 했다. <하가키운동>에서 엽서 운동의 요체는 재미와 간결, 그리고 끈기로 요약되며, 이 방법론을 선거권 운동에 적용해야 한다고 주장한다. 이처럼 <하가키운동>은 이 시기 사카이가 생각하고 실천했던 정치운동의 방법론을 압축적으로 드러낸다. 한편, 적소생의 <엽서운동>은 사카이 도시히코가 제안하는 운동전략에 공감을 표하면서도 식민지적 현실을 반영하여 <하가키운동>을 변용한다. 그 결과 <엽서운동>은 <하가키운동>에 비해 운동의 필연성과 개연성을 강조하고 운동주체와 대상의 내면을 상세히 묘출함으로써 운동의 리얼리티를 배가한다. <하가키운동>과 <엽서운동> 간의 차이는 식민지 조선의 사회주의 운동이 처한 곤경을 시사한다 할 수 있다. <엽서운동>에서 구상된 운동전략은 <사립검사국>의 글쓰기 실천으로 이어진다. 시의적인 사안을 풍자적이고 간결하게 논평하는 <사립검사국>의 글들은 사회주의를 정태적인 학술적 연구의 대상이 아니라 현실을 바라보고 분석하는 틀로 활용한다. 그 결과 <사립검사국>은 식민지 조선의 현안에 대한 사회주의적 비평의 실례를 제시함으로써 식민당국과 독자 모두를 겨냥한 글쓰기를 실천한다. 이상의 논의는 논증적인 글에 집중되었던 선행연구의 공백을 보완하고, 1920년대 초반에 출현했던 사회주의적 글쓰기의 다양한 양태를 발견한다는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있다.

영어와 한국어의 이동현상에 대한 연구

양용준 미래영어영문학회 2018 영어영문학 Vol.23 No.3

The purpose of this paper is to investigate, compare, and analyze the movement in English and Korean. The characteristics and various points of the movement are as follows. First, there is a difference in that the transfer movement may be necessary or optional. In English, the NP movement in the passive phrase, the SAI movement, and the Wh movement should be essential. Second, the movement can be seen to occur in each language, but there is a difference in how it occurs. In English, if there are several wh-elements, only one wh-element moves to the forward of the sentence. In Korean, it is possible to move and do not need to move. Third, in English and Korean, the movement may be the case of moving to the forward of the sentence and the case of moving to the backward of the sentence. However, in English, there is a phenomenon of moving to the forward in the case of the topicalization, but in Korean, the movement is both in the forward and the backward. Finally, in Korean, we have to talk about theta theory and case theory when we talk about the movement. This is because, even if the movement occurs, the movement does not seem to occur unless the theta and case theory is substituted. Although the movement is a phenomenon that appears in all languages, there are similarities and differences in comparison between English and Korean. When analyzing the movement, it is necessary to analyze the internal sentence components of the language.

동작 동시성 분석(SMP)과 동작 범위 측정(MRS) 분석을 통한 무용/동작치료 요인 비교

이지현 ( Ji Hyeon Lee ) 무용역사기록학회 2006 무용역사기록학 Vol.11 No.-

Dance/movement therapy have not sufficiently been databased into literature partly because their intermediaries or dance movements are ephemeral and partly because they can hardly be translated into language, and hence, it is deemed difficult to research into dance/movement therapy in a scientific way. Meanwhile, dance therapists seem to have successfully provided for the specific solutions to a variety of patients` psychological problems, but they have faced various difficulties in quantitative conceptualization, numerical specification and objective substantiation. The purpose of this study was to comparatively analyze methodology and therapeutic factors by using Costonis`s SMP (Synchronous Movement Profile) and MRS (Movement Range Sampler) among various scales developed by dance therapists. As a result, it was found that SMP was useful for comparison of movement degrees of each body part between therapist and patients to determine the synchronous movement references, while MRS was effective in numerical recording of body parts and movement paths to measure the changes of movement over time. The most plausible dance therapeutic factor found from the SMP analysis was `improvement of relationship`, while that found from MRS measurement was `extention of movement repertoire`. These Costonis`s two movement analysis tools were found to have the common therapeutic factor of `emotional sympathy through movement`, but MRS was found to focus more on `extention of movement repertoire` for identification of diverse response styles to the surrounding environment or improvement of coping ability. Lastly, it is hoped that this study will be followed by future studies which will surmount the limits of the descriptive and qualifying observation techniques as well as develop some movement analysis scales substantiating changes of patients` movements in a scientific way, research the therapeutic factors of dance therapy objectively.

일제강점기 경산지역 민족운동

김일수 ( Kim Il-su ) 역사교육학회 2022 역사교육논집 Vol.81 No.-

Japanese colonial era it was confirmed that Gyeongsan's independence movement, which has become a major grain market in Gyeongsangbuk-do, was developed by participating in the March 1st Movement, the youth movement, the equity movement, the Singanhoe movement, and the struggle to refuse conscription and conscription in the 1940s. However, in the case of the March 1st Movement, Gyeongsan was frustrated in the preparation stage, and participated in the March 1st Movement in Daegu or affected the outbreak of the March 1st Movement in Gyeongju. In Gyeongsan in the 1920s, it was characterized by the fact that the youth movement and the equity movement formed the two pillars of the popular movement. In the case of the Singanhoe Movement, branches were established in Gyeongsan and Hayang, with the youth movement at the center. However, due to data limitations, it was difficult to find various activities of the Singanhoe branch. In the 1940s, a struggle to refuse conscription and conscription was developed in Gyeongsan, which consisted of the Japanese forced mobilization policy. Soon, it was the bamboo spear of Daewangsan's Gyeolsimdae. This was a representative protest in Gyeongsangbuk-do against the Japanese war policy along with the struggle for rejection of the 24th unit in Daegu.

아시아에서 1960-70년대 비동맹/제3세계운동과 민족⋅민중 개념의 창신

백원담 한국중국현대문학학회 2009 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.49

This study takes note of the Non-alignment Movement and the Third World Movement that emerged in Asia, recognizing them as the process of regional identity building in post-war Asia. The temporal-space where these movements were born, evolved and transformed exactly illustrates the trajectories of newly established nation states joining together, competing with each other, and creating new interrelationship in post-war Asia, with the intent to address pending issues including political and economic independence and security. To achieve the research objective, this study employes the concept and perspective of Asia nationalism. The study intends to find out what had triggered the Non-alignment Movement and catch the aspects of the successful development of the movement by examining major meetings and resolutions declared during the process the Non-alignment Movement of Asia was transformed into the Third World Movement. By so doing, this study aims to identify the ideological standard of a state-led solidarity movement along with pending issues concerned, and explore the inner implications that the limitations of the movement resulted in a historical failure in the face of difficulties in modern nation state building, despite its value orientation. The study concludes that this failure represents historical statement and limitations of Asian nationalism. In this context, the study discusses diverse routes of nation state building in Asia and the process of the creation of people, the actual representation of a nation, who drive for nation state building. In brief, the study considers, explaining the Non-alignment Movement and initiatives for regional collaboration, under which Asia explored the potential of Asia itself, equals identifying the actual forces of driving these movements, or the main players for the lower class-based Asianness.

백용성스님의 민족운동

한태식 대각사상연구원 2010 大覺思想 Vol.14 No.-

Master Baek, Yong-seong(1864-1940) has been studied mainly in Buddhism. This paper expanded the view to the national movement under Japanese imperialism. Followings are some of the essential facts. First, he played a main role in the national movement for independence. He started it by writing 『Guiwong-jungjong 歸源正宗』. He criticized the prevalence of Christianity as invading Korean traditional religion. Next, he was against Won Order, which attempted to merge Korean Buddhism with Japanese Buddhism, and participated in the propaganda section as a president. Furthermore, he was one of 33 representatives in 3.1 Independence Movement. As a result, he had suffered in the prison for a long time, but never surrendered, and continued the movement. Second, Master exerted developing the national spirit. The Japanese government tried to make Korean Buddhism like that of Japan. It declared the temple law nationwide, and formed the structure of 31 main temples. Japan deleted the requirement that monks had to be remained single, making Korean monks got married. Master submitted a white paper warning twice. which became the origin of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism after emancipation. Third, Master conducted a movement for propagation of Korean Language (Hangeul). During the prohibited period of Hangeul, he translated sutras into Hangeul and propagated them widely. His translation of sutras was not limited in Buddhism, but also was a national independence movement. Last, Master Baek, Yong-seong exerted himself to national economic independence movement. He participated in the minor business, while managing farm in order to practice Seon(Zen)-agriculture Buddhism. Temples' economic independence and farm production were a part of independence movement. Therefore, all of his activities were evaluated that they were not limited to Buddhism, but also were the process of national independence movement. 백용성스님(1864-1940)에 대해서 지금까지는 불교의 범주 안에서 그의 행적을 조명하였으나 그 범위를 넓혀 민족이라는 차원에서 몇 가지로 요약하여 살펴보았다. 첫째는 민족독립운동이다. 그의 독립운동의 시작은 『歸源正宗』의 저술에서 부터라고 할 수 있다. 서구 기독교의 범람은 우리 민족의 고유 종교의 침략으로 보았다. 다음으로 조선불교를 일본 조동종에 병합하려던 圓宗에 반대하여 臨濟宗中央布敎堂의 개교사장으로 참여하여 활동한 것도 민족운동의 하나로 보인다. 마지막으로 그가 민족대표로 된 것은 3,1독립운동의 33인으로 참여한 것이다. 이로 인하여 오랜 옥고를 치르고 고통을 겪었지만 그는 평생토록 지조를 지키고 끝까지 독립운동을 전개하였다. 둘째는 민족정신 진흥운동이다. 일제는 민족정신말살정책의 하나로 한국불교를 왜색화하려고 하였다. 따라서 전국에 사찰령을 발표하여 전국의 사찰을 31본사제도로 만들었다. 그러면서 주지의 자격에서 독신비구조항을 삭제하여 한국승려들을 대처화하였다. 이에 반대하여 대처의 부당함을 지적하고 비구승단이 되어야 함을 주창하는 불교정화운동의 건백서를 2차에 걸쳐 제출하였다. 이것이 해방이후 대한불교조계종 탄생의 시원이 되기도 하였다. 이러한 활동은 민족전통불교의 회복운동이며, 민족운동의 일환이라고 볼 수 있다. 셋째는 한글보급운동이다. 그는 일제가 한글 사용을 금지하던 시기에 불경을 한글로 번역하여 보급하는데 적극적으로 노력하였다. 이러한 경전번역사업은 단순한 불교적인 차원이 아니라 일제에 저항하는 민족운동 차원에서 이루어졌다고 볼 수 있다. 넷째는 민족경제 자립운동이다. 그는 광산업에 참여하기도 하였으며, 직접 농장을 개간하여 禪農佛敎를 실천하였다. 사원경제의 자립과 생산불교의 실천은 민족경제의 자립을 통한 독립운동의 일환으로 볼 수 있다. 따라서 그의 모든 활동은 단순히 불교적인 차원이 아니라 민족의 독립운동과 연관되지 않음이 없는 민족운동의 전개과정으로 평가하고 한다.

LMA이론을 적용한 한국무용전문가의 즉흥 움직임에 담긴 개성적 움직임의 특질

이정학,이은미,임선영 한국체육과학회 2022 한국체육과학회지 Vol.31 No.6

The purpose of this study is to analyze the unique movement form and characteristics of dance experts through Quality of movement that reveal individuality. In order to achieve this research purpose, six research participants were selected as a judgment sampling method among convenience sampling methods. The movement analysis tool used the Laban Movement Analysis (LMA) theory. First, in the Quality of movement of Korean dance experts, a unique movement form appeared, and it was analyzed as a Quality of movement that emphasizes the inner side of the movement. Second, in the Body element shown Quality of movement characteristic was formed by combining the Breath Support and Grounding elements based on Homolateral to form a habituated Body. Third, in the Effort element shown Quality of movement characteristic was as Vision Drive, which consists of Body movement-oriented movements. Fourth, in the Shape element, it was analyzed as an important factor in determining the characteristics of movement according to the Quality of movement characteristic Following Shape Flow and Bulging Shape Flow. Fifth, in the Space element shown Quality of movement characteristic were found to create Indirect Space Effort and Dynamosphere. Also, analyzed as Central Pathway, Central Spatial Tension, Mid-Reach, and Middle level. In conclusion, by identifying the form of movement through Laban Movement Analysis (LMA) theory, it is expected that individual training methods can be presented to dance experts and standards for appreciating dance works as social values.

1930년대 일제의 지배정책 변화와 친일정치운동의 ‘제도적’ 편입과정

이태훈 한국근현대사학회 2011 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.58 No.-

In the early 1930’s, Japanese Imperialism began to change the direction of colonial ruling policy, following the Manchurian Incident, the secondary revision of the local administrative system, and the rural development movement. While “cultural rule” in the 1920’s was the strategy through which to integrate Choseon society by means of suffrage and autonomous rights, the new ruling strategy aimed to incorporate the political desires of the upper class of Choseon society into the Japanese colonial system by giving the local advisory organizations “a measure of practical suffrage,” such as budget voting rights. With the expansion of Japanese colonization over the Asian continent. Japan extended its direct and in-depth rule over Choseon society. The conversion of the colonial ruling policy of Japanese Imperialism verified that it was impossible to allow Choseon to have autonomous rights or suffrage, which had been considered as a possible policy in the 1920’s. On the other hand, as the colonial ruling policy was evolving, the pro-Japanese political movement began to decline since the movements in the 1920’s, which had aimed at securing the suffrage of the Choseon people, including autonomous rights and suffrage by making them loyal subjects of the Japanese Empire. The decline was because the upper class of Choseon society, which had been the political and social bases of the movement, withdrew from the organization as they paid more attention to the expanded ruling organizations, such as local councils, in order to secure their substantial benefit. It was ironic that the pro-Japanese political movement, which had been active in the 1920’s as a result of the prominence of the ethnic movement, lost its momentum in the 1930’s when Japanese colonial rule had intensified. However, this was an unavoidable outcome that depended on the structural conditions of the pro-Japanese political movement. The movement by the colonized people to acquire suffrage was a political activity that was essential for the ruling powers to cover up political complaints when the ruling system was in disturbance. However, when the complaints became passive and all resources had to be mobilized, the political movements of the colonized people were useless. It was also a spontaneous outcome in such a circumstance that the upper class of Choseon society, which was sensitive to the trends of the colonial ruling policy, had more interest in obtaining visible, immediate benefits than in the movement to acquire suffrage that struggled to be realized. The power of the pro-Japanese political movement was the political power that existed in between the colonial ruling power, which utilized suffrage and autonomy as the mechanism to politically embrace the colonized people, and the desire of the upper class of Choseon society to strengthen their position as the dominant group by acquiring suffrage. Hence, the power of the pro-Japanese political movement lost its place as a political power when the mechanism for political control disappeared. It was eventually incorporated with colonial power as a government-fabricated organization for propaganda after the Sino-Japanese War. The process by which the power of the pro-Japanese political movement declined politically and was incorporated with the colonial system in the 1930’s demonstrated how the contradicting characteristics of the colonial ruling logic of Japanese Imperialism were realized. Japanese Imperialism tried to completely absorb Choseon society through the colonial ruling principle of “assimilation,” making it different from the colonial rule of Western countries. However, the “assimilation” appeared to suggest “national integration” and triggered the realistic problem that Japanese Imperialism was never able to accept the political equalization between the Empire and the colony. Eventually, pro-Japanese political movement, which sought the literal ruling goals of Japanese Impe...

정보화시대의 사회운동

김용철(Yong Cheol Kim) 사이버커뮤니케이션학회 2008 사이버 커뮤니케이션 학보 Vol.25 No.1

인터넷의 출현은 사회운동을 빠르게 변모시키고 있다. 인터넷이 사회운동의 새로운 도구로 이용되고 있으며, 사이버공간은 사회운동의 새로운 활동무대로 활용되고 있다. 본 논문은 인터넷의 등장이 사회운동환경에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤으며, 그 결과 사회운동이 어떻게 변화하고 있는가를 살펴본다. 이를 위해, 운동주체와 운동형태라는 두 측면에서 온라인 사회운동의 유형화를 시도한다. 그리고 각각의 유형에 해당하는 사회운동의 사례들을 검토하고 이들의 특성을 살핀다. 분석 결과에 의하면, 최근 사회운동들은 조직운동과 네트워크운동으로 분화되고 있으며, 이들은 온라인을 부분적으로 혹은 전면적으로 활용하고 있음을 보여준다. 또한 온라인의 활용은 운동역량을 확대하고, 운동응집력을 강화하며, 새로운 운동전략 및 전술을 창출시키며, 초국가적 연대운동의 등장 을 촉진하고 있음을 보여준다. 그러나 이러한 변화의 방흥h이 사회운동의 활성화를 보장하는 것은 아니다. 사회운동의 활성화는 근본적으로 공동체에 대한 시민들의 ‘책임 있는’ 태도와 행동에 달려 있기 때문이다. The advent of the Internet has rapidly changed social movements. The Internet has been used as an important communication tool by social activists, while the cyberspace being regarded as a stage of social movements. This paper explores the impacts of the Internet on social movement environments, as well as the changes the Internet has brought about in social movements. For these purposes, a typology of online social movements is constructed in terms of 'movement actor' and 'movement form,' and various cases belonging to the typology are analyzed. According to the analysis, social movements are differentiating themselves between 'organization movements' and 'network movements,' while they are using the Internet on a partial or full scale. The utilization of the Internet contributes to improving the movements' capability, strengthening the movements' internal cohesion, creating new campaign strategies, and facilitating transnational social movements. However, the Internet use does not mean a revitalization of social movements, because the revitalization depends on the Netizens' responsible attitude and action.

1920 · 30년대 康津의 민족운동과 사회운동

박찬승(Park Chan-Seung) 역사문화학회 2011 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.14 No.1

강진의 민족운동과 관련해서는 청년운동, 학생운동, 신간회운동 등을 들 수 있다. 강진의 청년운동은 1920년대 초 부르주아적인 계몽운동의 성격을 띠고 시작되었지만 비교적 부진했다. 그런 가운데 1927년 고군면(병영) 쪽에서 사회주의적 청년운동이 시작되었다. 또 1927년에는 다른 군들과 마찬가지로 강진군에서도 강진청년동맹이 조직되었다. 하지만 각 면 단위에 설립되는 지부는 겨우 세곳에 그쳤다. 강진의 학생운동으로는 1930년 광주학생운동에 영향을 받아 일어난 대구면 공립보통학교 학생들의 맹휴를 들 수 있다. 이 맹휴는 대구면 수동리의 윤가현과 강원태가 보통학교 학생들을 부추겨서 일어난 것이었다. 강진의 신간회는 1927년 가을 설립된 것으로 보인다. 그런데 고군면(병영) 쪽에서는 1928년 3월 따로 병영지회를 설립할 움직임을 보였다. 하지만 이는 좌절되었고, 결국 강진지회에 통합되었다. 통합된 강진지회에는 그동안 사회운동을 해 온 이들과 민족운동을 해온 이들(특히 천도교 간부)들이 포함되었다. 강진의 사회운동으로는 노동운동, 농민운동, 그리고 전남사회운동협의회 사건 등을 들 수 있다. 강진의 본격적인 노동운동 단체로는 1927년 11월 병영의 사회주의 청년들이 조직한 자유노동조합을 그 효시로 들 수 있다. 하지만 병영의 자유노동조합은 1931년 병영의 격문사건으로 인하여 병영의 사회운동가들이 체포되면서 사실상 막을 내렸다. 강진의 농민운동은 1920년대에는 극히 미약했다. 소작인조합이나 농민조합은 거의 만들어지지 못했다. 1930년대에 들어와 군동면에서 군동농민회의 주도로 소작쟁의가 일어났는데, 이는 군동면 사회운동가들의 지도에 의한 것이었다. 전남운동협의회는 완도 · 해남을 중심으로 강진 · 영암 · 장홍의 사회주의청년들이 서로 연결을 갖고, 각 군에 적색농민조합을 설치하고 이를 지도하기 위한 기관으로서 1933년에 만든 비밀결사였다. 당시 강진에서는 대구면의 윤가현이 완도 고금면의 이기홍과 연결되어 이에 참여하였고, 군동면의 사회운동가들은 윤가현과 연결되어 이에 참여하였다. 하지만 이들은 1934년에 조직이 드러나 모두 체포되었다. 강진의 사회운동은 인근의 완도 · 해남 · 영암의 사회운동과 비교할 때, 상대적으로 부진했다. 그것은 강진의 청년들이 기독교나 천도교의 영향을 많이 받아 사회운동에 대한 관심이 그만큼 적었기 때문으로 여겨진다. 특히 강진면 청년들은 사회운동에 소극적이었고, 그나마 고군면(병영)과 군동면, 그리고 대구면 청년들이 사회운동에 보다 적극적이었다. We can mention youth movement, student strike and Shinganhoe movement as the national movement in Gangjin-gun during 1920 · 30s’. The youth movement in Gangjin started by nationalists as an enlightenment movement. However it was not so active, because of the indifference of young people in Gangjin-myun, the center of Gangjin-gun. Meanwhile young socialists appeared in Byungyoungmyun, and they started new youth movement in 1927. And the alliance of youth in Gangjin was organized in December, 1927. However only 3 branches was formed in 4 myuns among 9 myuns. The student strike was caused by students in an elementary school in Daegu-myun under the influence of Gwangju students’ uprising in 1929. And the Gangjin branch of ‘Shinganhoe’ was organized in 1927. Socialists and nationalists including the members of Chundogyo joined in the branch. As the social movement in Gangjin, we can mention labour movement, peasant movement, and the incident of the association of Chunnam socialist movement. The first organization of labour movement in Gangjin-gun was ‘the free labour union’ organized in Byungyoung. However the leaders of union were involved in the incident of anti-imperialism poster in 1931, and they were arrested by Japanese police. The union was actually dissolved because of this incident. The peasant movement in Gangjin was very weak during 1920s’. There was not a tenant union or a peasant union in 1920s’. However tenants of Gundong-myun caused a farm tenancy dispute in 1931. The tenants demanded land owners to reduce the farm rents. This dispute was leaded by the young socialists of Gundong-myun. The association of Chunnam socialist movement was organized in 1933 by the young socialists in Wando, Haenam, Gangjin, Youngam, and Jangheung-gun. It was a secret organization to guide the peasant movement under the socialist orientation. The young socialists in Daegu-myun and Gundong-myun joined this organization in secret. However they were arrested by police in 1934.