朝鮮末期 墨竹畫에 대한 硏究

홍정림 수원대학교 2023 국내석사

우리나라 떡의 재료 및 조리방법에 대한 문헌적 고찰 : 조선시대 떡의 종류를 중심으로

오순덕 고려대학교 대학원 2009 국내박사

요약 조선시대 고서 21권을 연구대상으로 하여 우리나라 떡의 재료 및 조리방법에 대한 문헌적 고찰을 조선시대 떡의 종류를 중심으로 하여 떡의 종류와 조리방법에 따른 떡의 분류, 주재료에 따른 떡의 종류 및 조리방법에 대해 분석 고찰 한 결과 전체적인 내용의 요약은 다음과 같다. 1. 고서에 나타난 시대별 떡의 종류 조선시대 전기의 고서인 「산가요록」에서는 갈분전병 등 총 7종이 있으며, 「사시찬요초」에서는 병만 보여졌고, 「용재총화」에서는 화전 등 총 3종이 있으며, 「수운잡방」에서는 계란병이 기록되어져 있다. 조선시대 중기의 고서인 「도문대작」에서는 석이병 등 총 19종이 있으며, 「지봉유설」에서는 자도병 등 총 5종이 있고, 「음식디미방」에서는 상화법 등 총 9종이 있으며, 「요록」에서는 산약병 등 총 14종이 있고, 「주방문」에서는 상화 등 총 4종이 있고, 「산림경제」에서는 시고 등 총 6종이 있다. 조선시대 후기의 고서인 「성호사설」에서는 차수병 등 13종이 있고, 「증보산림경제」에서는 석이병법 등 총 17종이 있고, 「원행을묘정리의궤」에서는 각색병 등 총 37종이 있고, 「규합총서」에서는 백설고 등 총 28종이 있고, 「임원십육지」에서는 차고방 등 총 62종이 있고, 「동국세시기」에서는 도병 등 총 21종이 있으며, 「열양세시기」에서는 권모와 약반이 있고, 「음식방문」에서는 약조악 등 총 4종이 있고, 「연대규곤요람」에서는 약밥 등 총 3종이 있고, 「시의전서」에서는 녹두편, 눅두찰편 등 53종이 있고, 「부인필지」에서는 약밥 등 18종이 있다. 2. 조리방법에 따른 떡의 종류 본 연구에서는 일반적으로 분류하고 있는 찐 떡, 친 떡, 삶은 떡, 지진 떡, 기타 떡으로 분류하여 재료 및 조리방법을 연구하였다. 찐 떡 조선시대 전기와 중기 및 후기에 나타난 약반은 47.6% 나타났으며, 조선시대 중기와 후기에 나타난 증병은 47.6%, 상화는 33.3%, 송병은 38.1%, 조선시대 후기에 나타난 백설기는 28.6%, 두텁떡은 14.3%, 석탄병은 9.5%로 나타났다. 친 떡 조선시대 중기와 후기에 나타난 절병류는 23.8%, 설병(舌餠)류는 9.5%, 인절미류는 47.6%, 조선시대 후기에 나타난 단자류로는 23.8%로 나타났다. 삶은 떡 조선시대 중기와 후기에 나타난 경단은 14.3%, 조선시대 후기에 나타난 단자류로는 28.6%로 나타났다. 지진 떡 조선시대 전기와 중기 및 후기에 나타난 화전류는 57.1% 나타났으며, 조선시대 초기와 중기에 나타난 전병은 23.8%, 조선시대 중기와 후기에 나타난 빈대떡은 9.5%, 조선시대 후기에 나타난 주악류는 33.3% 나타났다. 기타 떡 기타 떡에는 문헌상 구분이 안 되는 떡으로 서여병, 우자박, 병, 삼병, 자병, 송부지병, 산삼지고, 산삼병, 산약병, 출전, 소병이 있다. 3. 주재료에 따른 떡의 종류 및 조리방법 주재료로는 멥쌀, 찹쌀, 밀가루, 메밀가루 및 기타재료로서는 보리, 기장쌀, 귀리, 조, 녹두, 칡, 산약, 더덕, 산삼, 토란, 건시 등을 이용하였다. 1) 멥쌀을 이용한 떡 멥쌀을 이용한 떡의 종류로는 101종이 있고, 멥쌀을 이용한 떡의 부재료로서는 조선시대 전기에는 쑥만 보여졌고, 조선시대 중기에는 쑥, 느티잎, 대추, 누룩, 석이버섯, 잣, 밤, 대추, 솔잎, 팥이 보여졌으며, 조선시대 후기에는 콩, 여러 가지 과일, 복숭아․살구, 송피, 석이, 싱검초, 참깨, 치자, 백복령, 귤병, 무, 흰쑥, 당귀잎, 도토리가루, 갈근, 호박, 녹두, 감자, 대추, 건시 등 재료가 매우 다양해졌음을 알 수 있었다. 멥쌀을 이용한 떡의 조리방법은 조선시대 전기에는 찐 떡(100%)으로만 보여지다가 조선시대 중기에는 찐 떡(73.3%)과 친 떡(26.6%)으로 보여졌으며 조선시대 후기에는 찐 떡(75%), 친 떡(21.4%), 지진 떡(1.19%), 삶은 떡(2.385)으로 조리방법이 다양하게 변화되었음을 알 수 있었다. 2) 찹쌀을 이용한 떡 찹쌀을 이용한 떡의 종류로는 150종이 있고, 찹쌀을 이용한 떡의 부재료로서는 조선시대 전기에는 여러 가지 과일, 밤가루, 토란, 꽃 등을 이용하였고, 조선시대 중기에는 곶감, 밤, 송기, 쑥, 석이버섯, 두견화․장미화․출단화, 잣, 호도, 밤 등을 이용하였으며, 조선시대 후기에는 기장, 콩, 당귀엽, 국엽, 복숭아․살구, 진달래꽃, 장미, 국화, 여러 가지 과일, 밤, 대추, 곶감, 유자, 송기, 적복령, 토란, 쑥, 승검초, 대나무잎, 생강, 고구마, 녹두, 석이, 도토리가루 등 매우 다양한 재료를 이용하였음을 알 수 있었다. 찹쌀을 이용한 떡의 조리방법은 조선시대 전기에는 찐 떡(16.66%), 친 떡(16.66%), 지진 떡(50%), 삶은 떡(16.66%)였으며, 조선시대 중기에는 찐 떡(37.5%), 친 떡(8.33%), 지진 떡(33.33%), 삶은 떡(16.66%), 기타 떡(4.16%)였으며, 조선시대 후기에는 찐 떡(33.89%), 친 떡(20.33%), 지진 떡(33.05%), 삶은 떡(12.71%)으로 다양한 조리법을 사용하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 3) 밀가루를 이용한 떡 밀가루를 이용한 떡의 종류로는 38종이 있고, 밀가루를 이용한 떡의 부재료로서는 조선시대 전기에는 나타나지 않았고, 조선시대 중기에는 석이, 표고, 참버섯, 술, 소고기, 잣, 들깨, 메밀가루, 녹두가루, 팥, 콩가루 등을 이용하였으며, 조선시대 후기에는 두견화, 국화, 고기, 나물, 대추, 거피팥, 막걸리, 참깨, 잣, 호두, 소유, 산초, 숙유, 돼지기름, 파, 죽순, 진자, 연육, 양기름, 돼지기름 등 매우 다양한 재료를 이용하였음을 알 수 있었다. 밀가루를 이용한 떡의 조리방법은 조선시대 전기에는 나타나지 않았으며, 조선시대 중기에는 찐 떡(66.66%), 지진 떡(16.66%), 기타 떡(16.66%)였으며, 조선시대 후기에는 찐 떡(21.87%), 지진 떡(43.75%), 삶은 떡(6.25%), 기타 떡(28.12%)으로 친 떡을 제외하고는 다양한 조리법을 사용하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 4) 메밀가루를 이용한 떡 메밀가루를 이용한 떡의 종류로는 10종이 있고, 메밀가루를 이용한 떡의 부재료로서는 조선시대 전기에는 밤가루나 여러 가지 과일 등을 이용하였으며, 조선시대 중기에는 석이, 두견화․장미화․출단화, 진달래꽃잎, 고기 등을 이용하였으며, 조선시대 후기에는 두견화, 국화, 고기, 나물, 대추, 거피팥, 막걸리, 참깨, 잣, 호두, 소유, 산초, 숙유, 돼지기름, 파, 죽순, 진자, 연육, 양기름, 돼지기름 등 매우 다양한 재료를 이용하였음을 알 수 있었다. 메밀가루를 이용한 떡의 조리방법은 조선시대 전기에는 삶은 떡으로만 나타났으며, 조선시대 중기에는 찐 떡(25%), 지진 떡(75%)였으며, 조선시대 후기에는 찐 떡(20%), 지진 떡(20%), 기타 떡(60%)으로 조선시대 초기의 삶은 떡은 사라지고 조선시대 중기에는 지진 떡과 찐 떡으로 보여졌으며, 조선시대 후기에는 기타 떡의 형태로 많이 남아 있었음을 알 수 있었다. 5) 기타재료를 이용한 떡 기타재료를 이용한 떡의 종류로는 35종이 있고, 기타재료를 이용한 떡의 재료로서는 조선시대 전기 주재료로는 칡가루, 산약, 더덕, 계란 등이 사용되었으며, 부재료로는 참깨, 어육, 초피, 생강 등이었으며, 조선시대 중기 주재료로 사용한 기타 재료로는 인삼, 산삼, 더덕, 녹두, 기장쌀, 밤․대추․호도, 구맥 등이었고, 부재료로는 거피팥, 실녹두, 잣, 후추, 건시, 대추, 출 등이었으며, 조선시대 후기 주재료로 사용한 기타재료로는 귀리, 보리쌀, 생마, 녹두, 속미(조), 찰기장가루, 마, 생토란, 옥수수, 황률가루, 건시 등 이었으며, 부재료로는 밤, 대추, 잣, 팥, 밀가루, 호두, 석이버섯, 백매, 감초, 과일, 호도살, 건강가루 등 다양한 재료를 이용하였음을 알 수 있었다. 기타재료를 이용한 떡의 조리방법은 조선시대 전기에는 지진 떡(40%), 기타 떡(40%), 찐 떡(20%)로 나타났으며, 조선시대 중기에는 찐 떡(18.18%), 지진 떡(27.27%), 기타 떡(54.54%)였으며, 조선시대 후기에는 찐 떡(42.10%), 친 떡(10.52%), 지진 떡(26.31%), 삶은 떡(5.26%), 기타 떡(15.78%)으로 조선시대 전기와 중기의 조리법에서 조선시대 후기에는 다양한 조리법의 형태로 많이 남아 있었음을 알 수 있었다. 조선시대 전기에 수록된 떡류 가운데 멥쌀로 만든 떡은 14.28%, 찹쌀로 만든 떡은 35.71%, 메밀로 만든 떡은 7.14%였으며, 밀과 보리로 만든 떡은 나타나지 않았으며 기타 재료인 잣과 산약, 칡 등으로 만든 떡은 42.6%로 나타났다. 조선시대 중기에 수록된 떡류 가운데 멥쌀로 만든 떡은 24.59%, 찹쌀로 만든 떡은 39.34%, 밀가루로 만든 떡은 11.48%, 메밀로 만든 떡은 6.56%였으며, 보리로 만든 떡은 나타나지 않았고 기타 재료인 인삼, 산약, 산삼, 녹두, 기장쌀, 귀리 등으로 만든 떡은 18.03% 나타났다. 조선시대 후기에 수록된 떡류 가운데 멥쌀로 만든 떡은 32.56%, 찹쌀로 만든 떡은 45.74%, 밀가루로 만든 떡은 12.40%, 메밀로 만든 떡은 1.94%, 기타 재료인 귀리, 보리, 건시, 생마, 녹두 등으로 만든 떡은 7.36%로 나타났다. 조선시대 멥쌀을 이용한 떡은 전기에서 중기로 72% 증가, 중기에서 후기로 32% 증가율을 보였다. 조선시대 찹쌀을 이용한 떡은 전기에서 중기로 10% 증가, 중기에서 후기로 16.2% 증가율을 보였다. 조선시대 밀가루를 이용한 떡은 전기에는 나타나지 않고, 중기에서 후기로 12% 증가율을 보였다. 조선시대 메밀을 이용한 떡은 전기에서 중기로 7.6% 감소, 중기에서 후기로 69.7% 매우 큰 폭으로 감소하였다. 조선시대 기타재료를 이용한 떡은 전기에서 중기로 42.2% 감소, 후기에 40.88%로 큰 폭으로 감소하였다. 조선시대에는 멥쌀로 만든 떡과 찹쌀로 만든 떡의 비율이 평균 1:1.82인데 반하여 현재에는 0.95:1로서 멥쌀로 만든 떡이 비중이 높다. 조선시대의 떡의 주재료인 찹쌀과 멥쌀의 이용은 전기 49.99%, 중기 63.93%, 후기 78.3% 현재 86.26%로서 조선시대 전기에서 중기로 27.8% 증가, 조선시대 중기에서 후기로 22.47% 증가, 조선시대 후기에서 현재로는 10% 증가하였다. 조선시대 떡의 종류는 조선시대 전기에서 중기로 435.7% 증가, 조선시대 중기에서 후기로 422.95% 증가, 조선시대 후기에서 현재로는 39.5% 감소하였다. 이상과 같이 조선시대 고서에 나타난 떡류의 종류 및 주재료에 따른 조리방법에 대한 문헌적 고찰을 분석한 결과 현재까지의 떡류의 변천과정을 파악할 수 있었으며 옛 문헌을 통한 연구를 통해 올바른 식문화의 자리매김이 시급하다고 생각된다. 또한 후속연구로서 이러한 문헌의 고찰과 분석 결과를 토대로 하여 조선시대 떡류를 복원하는 깊이 있는 연구를 기대하며, 산업현장에서는 발굴한 떡의 표준화된 메뉴개발을 통해 상품 개발하여 국민건강에 도움을 주며, 떡의 세계화에 자료로서 활용하여 경제발전에 기여할 수 있기를 기대한다. As a result of analyzing and investigating the classification of tteoks according to rice types and cooking methods and the tteoks types and cooking methods according to main ingredients centered on the 21 old cooking books of Joseon dynasty, the summary of entire content is as below. 1. The types of tteoks in the old cooking books of the Joseon dynasty In Korean literature published in the early of the Joseon dynasty, there were 7types of tteoks such as galbunchonbyong(葛粉煎餠), etc. in Sangayorock(山家要錄), only were byongs(餠) in Sasichanyocho(四時纂要抄), were 3types of tteoks such as whajeon(花煎), etc. in Yongjechongwha(慵齋叢話) and were kyaeranbyong(鷄卵餠) in Soowonjabbang(需雲雜方). In Korean literature published in the middle of the Joseon dynasty, there were 19types of tteoks such as suckyibyong(石栮餠), etc. in Domoondaejak(屠門大嚼), were 5types of tteoks such as jadobyong(餈稻餠) in Geebongyouseul(芝峰類說), were 9types of tteoks such as sangwhabeop(霜花法), etc. in Eumshickdimibang, were 14types of tteoks such as sanyakbyong(山藥餠), etc. in Yorock(要錄), were 4types of tteoks such as sangwha(霜花), etc. in Joobangmoon(酒方文) and were 6types of tteoks such as sigo(柿糕), etc. in Sanlimkyongjae(山林經濟). In Korean literature published in the later of the Joseon dynasty, there were 13types of tteoks such as chasubyong(搓手餠), etc. in Senghosaseo(星湖僿說), were 17types of tteoks such as sukyibyongbeop(石耳餠法) in Zhengbosanlimkyongjae(增補山林經濟), were 37types of tteoks such as gaksaekbyong(各色餠), etc. in Wonhaengeulmyojeongriuigwe(園行乙卯整理儀軌), were 28types of tteoks such as baekseolgo(白雪糕), etc. in Kyuhapchongseo(閨閤叢書), were 62types of tteoks such as chagobang(撦糕方), etc. in Imwonshipyukji(林園十六志(鼎祖志)), were 21types of tteoks such as inbyong(引餠), etc. in Dongguksesigi(東國歲時記), were kuenmo(拳模) and Yakban(藥飯) in Yulyangsesigi(洌陽歲時記), were 4types of tteoks such as yakjoak, etc. in Eumshikbangmun(飮食方文), were 3types of tteoks such as yakbap, etc. in Yeondaegyugonyoram, were 53types of tteoks such as nokdopyun, etc. in Shiuijeonseo(是議全書) and were 18types of tteoks such as yakbap in Buinpilji(婦人必知). 2. The types of tteoks in cooking methods In this study, tteoks were classified by jjin-tteoks(steamed), chin-tteoks(striken), salmeum tteoks(boiled), jijin-tteoks(fried), the others tteoks and researched the ingredients and cooking methods. jjin-tteoks In the early, the middle and the later of the Joseon dynasty Yaksik(Honeyed Ricecake) was presented with 47.6% and, in the middle and the later of the Joseon dynasty Cungpyong(Fermented Ricecake) was presented with 47.6%, Sangwha was presented with 33.3% and Songpyong(Pine cake) was presented with 38.1%and in the later of the Joseon dynasty, Paeksolki(White Powder Ricecake) was presented with 28.6%, Tutoptteok(Thick cake) was presented with 14.3% and Suktanpyong was presented with 9.5%. chin-tteoks In the middle and the later of the Joseon dynasty, Cholpyong was presented with 23.8%, Sulpyong was presented with 9.5% and Injolmi(Sticky Ricecake) was presented with 47.6% and in the later of the Joseon dynasty, Danja was presented with 23.8%. salmeum tteoks In the middle and the later of the Joseon dynasty, Kyongdan(Rice Balls) was presented with 14.3% and the later of the Joseon dynasty, Tanja(Ball Cake) was presented with 28.6%. jijin-tteoks In the early, the middle and the later of the Joseon dynasty, Whajon(Flower Cake) was presented with 57.1% and in the early, the middle of the Joseon dynasty, Chonbyong was presented with 23.8% and in the middle and the later of the Joseon dynasty, Bindaetteok was presented with 9.5% and in the later of the Joseon dynasty, Chuak(Fried Cake) was presented with 33.3%. the others tteoks In the others, that could not be specifically classified in ancient literature, there were Seoyebyong, Ujabak, Byong, Sambyong, Jabyong, Songbugibyong, Sansamgigo, Sansambyong, Sanyakbyong, Chuljeon, Sobyong. 3. Rice cake types and cooking methods by main ingredients For the use of main ingredients, nonglutinous rice, glutinous rice, wheat flour and buckwheat powder had been used. For the use of side ingredients, barleys, millets, oats, mung beans, arrowroot, taro, dried persimmons, wild ginseng, etc. had been used. 1) tteoks using nonglutinous rice For the types of tteoks using nonglutinous rice, there were 101 types. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, they had used side ingredients of tteoks using nonglutinous rice like artemisia. In the middle of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using nonglutinous rice, they had used variously like mugworts, zelkova tree leaves, jujubes, yeast, rock tripe, pine nuts, chestnuts, pine leaves, red bean, etc. In the later of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using nonglutinous rice, they had used variously like bean, various fruits, apricot, bark of pine, rock tripe, angelica plant, sesame, gardenia, tuckahoe, mandarin, turnip, white artemisia, acorn powder, arrowroot, pumpkin, mung beans, potatoes, jujubes, droed persimmons, etc. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking method of tteoks using nonglutinous rice was presented only in jjin-tteoks(100%), in the middle of the Joseon dynasty, were presented in jjin-tteoks(73.3%) and chin-tteoks(26.6%) and in the later of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking method of tteoks were variously presented in Jiiin-tteoks(75%), chin-tteoks(21.4%), jijin-tteoks(1.19%) and salmeum tteoks(2.385%). 2) tteoks using glutinous rice For the types of tteoks using glutinous rice, there were 150 types. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, they had used side ingredients of tteoks using glutinous rice like various fruits, chestnut powder, taro, flower, etc. In the middle of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using glutinous rice, they had used variously like persimmons, chestnut, pine endodermis, artemisia, rock tripe, azalea, rose, chudanwha, pine nuts, walnut, etc. In the later of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using glutinous rice , they had used variously like millet, bean, chrysanthemum leaves, peach, apricot, azalea, rose, chrysanthemum , various fruit, chestnut, jujube, dried persimmons, citron, pine endodermis, tuckahoe, taro, artemisia, angelica plant, bamboo leaves, ginger, sweet potato, mung beans, rock tripe, acorn powder, etc. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking method of tteoks using glutinous rice were presented in jjin-tteoks(16.66%), chin-tteoks(16.66%), jijin-tteoks(50%) and salmeum tteoks(16.66%), in the middle of the Joseon dynasty, were presented in jjin-tteoks(37.5%), chin-tteoks(8.33%), jijin-tteoks(33.33%) and salmeum tteoks(16.66%)and the others tteoks(4.16%) and in the later of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking method of tteoks were variously presented in Jiiin-tteoks(33.89%), chin-tteoks(20.33%), jijin-tteoks(33.05%) and salmeum tteoks(12.71%). 3) tteoks using wheat flour For the types of tteoks using wheat flour there were 38 types. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, they had not used side ingredients. In the middle of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using wheat flour, they had used variously like rock tripe, shiitake, cham mushroom, wine, beef, pine nuta, perilla seeda, buchwheat flour, mung bean powder, red bean, bean powder, etc. In the later of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using wheat flour, they had used variously like azalea, chrysanthemum, beef, vegetable, jujube, red bean, rice wine, sesame seeds, pine nuts, chetnut, soyu, prickly ash, sukyu, lard, leek, bamboo, jinja, yeunyuk, lamb oil, etc. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, there was not presented the cooking method of tteoks using wheat flour. In the middle of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking method of tteoks were presented in jjin-tteoks(66.66%), Jiiin-tteoks(16.66%) and the others tteoks(16.66%) and in the later of the Joseon era, the cooking method of tteoks were variously presented in Jiiin-tteoks(21.87%), jijin-tteoks(43.75%), salmeum tteoks(6.25%) and the others tteoks(28.12%). 4) tteoks using buckwheat flour For the types of tteoks using buckwheat flour there were 10 types. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, they had used side ingredients of tteoks using buckwheat flour like various types of fruit and chestnut powder. In the middle of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using buckwheat flour, they had used variously like rock tripe, azalea, rose, chudanwha, azalea leaves, beef, etc. In the later of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using buckwheat flour, they had used variously like azalea, chrysanthemum, beef, vegetables, jujubes, red bean, rice wine, seasame seeds, pine nuts, chestnut, soyu, prickly ash, sukyu, lard, leek, bamboo, jinja, yeunyuk, lamb oil, etc. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking method of tteok using buckwheat flour was presented only in salmeum-tteoks(100%). In the middle of the Joseon dynasty, were presented in jjin-tteoks(25%) and Jijin-tteoks(75%) and in the later of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking method of tteoks using buckwheat flour were variously presented in Jiiin-tteoks(20%), jijin-tteoks(20%) and the others tteoks(60%). 5) tteoks using the others For the types of tteoks using the others, there were 35 types. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of main ingredients of tteoks using the others, they had used like arrowroot starch, yam, codonopsis lanceolata, egg, etc. for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using the others, they had used variously like sesame, chopi, ginger, etc. In the middle of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of main ingredients of tteoks using the others, they had used like ginseng, wild ginseng, codonopsis lanceolata, mung beans, millet, pinenuts, jujubes, chestnut, oats, etc. for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using the others, they had used variously like red bean, mung bean, pinenuts, black pepper, dried persimmon, jujubes, chul, etc. In the later of the Joseon dynasty, for the types of main ingredients of tteoks using the others, they had used like oats, barley, yam, mungbeans, millet, glutinous millet, yam, taro, corn, chetnut powder, dried persimmons, etc. for the types of side ingredients of tteoks using the others, they had used variously like chestnuts, jujubes, pinenuta, redbeanm wheat flour, walnuts, rock tripe, baekmae, ;icorice root, fruit, walnut, ginger powder, etc. In the early of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking methods of tteok using the others were presented in Jijin-tteoks(40%), the others tteoks(40%) and Jiin-tteoks(20%), in the middle of the Joseon dynasty, were presented in jjin-tteoks(18.18%), jijin-tteoks(27.27%) and the others tteoks (54.54%) and in the later of the Joseon dynasty, the cooking methods of tteoks were variously presented in Jiiin-tteoks (42.10%), chin-tteoks (10.52%), jijin-tteoks(26.31%), salmeum tteoks(5.26%) and the others tteoks(15.78%). In the early Joseon dynasty, the tteoks using nonglutinous rice, glutinous rice, and buckwheat were presented with 14.28%, 35.71%, and 7.14%, respectively, but no tteok using wheat or barley flour was found. The tteoks using other ingredients, such as pine nuts, sanyak, or arrowroots were presented with 42.6%. In the middle era of the Joseon dynasty, the tteoks using nonglutious rice, glutinous rice, wheat, buckwheat were presented with 24.59%, 39.34%, 11.48%, and 6.56%, respectively, but no tteok of barley was found. The tteoks were also made with other ingredients, such as ginseng, sanyak, wild ginseng, mungbean, milet or oat, and were presented with 18.03%. In the late era of the Joseon dynasty, the tteoks using nonglutious rice, glutinous rice, wheat, and buckwheat were presented with 32.56%, 45.74%, 12.40%, and 1.94%, respectively, and those using others like oat, barley, dried persimmon, raw yam, mung bean, were 7.36%. The tteoks using nonglutinous rice increased by 72% from the early to the middle era of the Joseon dynasty and by 32% from middle to the late era, whereas those of glutinous rice increased by 10% from the early to the middle era and 16.2% from the middle to the late era. The tteoks using wheat flour, which was not found in the early Joseon dynasty, increased by 16.2% from the middle to the late era. On the contrary, the tteoks using buckwheat decreased by 7.6%, and greatly decreased by 69.7% as the Joseon dynasty changed from the early to the late era. The tteoks using other ingredients also decreased by 42.2% and 40.88 from the early to the late era of the Joseon dynasty. In the Joseon dynasty, the ratio of tteoks using nonglutinous and glutinous rices is 1:1.82, but the ratio in the present day is 0.95:1 showing relatively more percentage of nonglutinous rice. Glutinous and nonglutinous rices have been used as a main ingredient for 49.99%, 63.93%, 78.3%, and 86.26% of tteoks in the early, middle, and late era of the Joseon, and the present day, respectively, and thus, increased 27.8%, 22.47%, and 10% during the time. The number of tteoks variety increased by 435.7% and 422.95% from the early to the middle and from the middle to the late era of the Joseon dynasty, respectively, but decreased by 39.5% from the late Joseon to the present day. From the result of analyzing the literary investigation on the types and cooking methods of tteoks during Joseon dynasty like above, the transition process of rice cake types could be grasped and I hope the people would apply the tteoks types that were traditional food newly recovered by literature. Also as a follow up research, a more in depth research was expected based on the result of such investigation and analysis of literature. Also at industrial sites, traditional tteoks were expected to be developed as products through scientific experiments and developing standardized menus to be helpful to people's health and contribute to be economic development.

『大學衍義』로 본 조선의 군주관

박제균 전북대학교 일반대학원 2022 국내석사

Based on their understanding of Confucian scriptures, Confucian scholars presented an appropriate view of Seong-In(聖人) at the time. Zhen Dexiu’s (眞德秀) was one of them. He understood that both king and servants must read because The Great Learing(大學) are books containing monarchs suitable for the rule. Accordingly, he selected cases corresponding to Article 6 of the The Great Learning(大學) among Confucian scriptures and Chinese history books, and captured political ideas and monarchies that synthesized wise men's theories and his views in The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義). The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) is a cesarean study that contains Neo-Confucianism ideals that inherited Juhee's(朱熹) political thoughts, which also had a great influence on the political thoughts of the Joseon Dynasty. The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) has been steadily read by the kings of Joseon through contests and used as a basis for testimony to their servants. In addition, in The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義), there are also proper behavioral guidelines of servants, crown prince, empress and court ladies, outlaws, and hospitality. For this reason, the kings of Joseon selected and edited the appropriate contents for each member. Despite the close relationship between the The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) and the political ideas of the Joseon Dynasty, the study of the monarchy centered on the The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) has not been dealt with. Therefore, the purpose of this dissertion is to review the monarchy of the kings of Joseon, noting that The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) had a considerable influence on the political thought of the Joseon Dynasty. How The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) influenced Joseon's state administration can be confirmed in more detail through The GyeongYeon(經筵). The GyeongYeon(經筵) is an educational system that enables good politics to be carried out aiming at Seong-gun(聖君), the ideal model of Confucian ideology. In other words, the contest served as a venue for the king to conduct in-depth research and discussion on Confucian scriptures and realize specific political issues in order to realize the ideology of Neo-Confucianism with his servants. Therefore, in Joseon Dynasty, it is easy to find the king's discussion in connection with real politics while reading The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) with his servants through The GyeongYeon(經筵). Therefore, it will be possible to shed a three-dimensional light on the monarchy of the kings of Joseon through discussions between military gods centered on The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義). How The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義)’s influence on Joseon's state administration can be confirmed in more detail through the Hong-Jae-Jeon-Seo(弘齋全書), Seung-Jeong-Won Diary(承政院日記) focusing on the records of The GyeongYeon(經筵) in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄). Examining what Joseon Dynasty's king and servants are discussing along with the political issues of the time, the monarchy of Joseon kings can be highlighted in three dimensions. Therefore, the purpose of this dissertation is to examine the monarchs and political ideas pursued by the Joseon Dynasty's military spirit from Tae-jo(太祖) to Jeong-jo(正祖) based on the records of The GyeongYeon(經筵) in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄) centered on Seung-Jeong-Won Diary(承政院日記) and Hong-Jae-Jeon-Seo(弘齋全書). In this dissertaion, based on The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義), the following research directions are set for the monarchy of the king of Joseon. First, the basic system and core contents of The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) is reviewed by examining the motivation, purpose, composition, and content of the The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義). Second, we examine how the discussion centered on The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) in the Joseon Dynasty was related to real politics. Third, the monarchy revealed in the Joseon Dynasty's political ideology developed around The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) is reviewed by king. Zhen Dexiu’s (眞德秀) thought that the subject who could fully realize the ideology of studying abroad was the monarch. King should recognize that the starting point of politics is themselves and their minds. This is because the king's virtue has a great influence on the peace. When the king reveals his virtues, the people will also reveal his virtues, so he can move on to the Chi-Gook(治國) and Pyeong-Cheon-Ha(平天下). Yi-kang-ryeong(二綱領) of The Extended Meaning of The Great Learing(大學衍義) stipulates that the basis of the study that reveals the virtues of fame is Yi-Je and Sam-Wang(二帝三王). Therefore, Kings bear the burden of su-gi-chi-in(修己治人) people who have to make them a model. This structure allows servants to restrict royal authority by emphasizing the study of mind training based on Su-Gi(修己), and kings can control servants power and exercise royal authority by emphasizing the state of affairs based on Sin-Min(新民) and Chi-In(治人). Focusing on this composition, discussions through Sa-jo-mok(四條目) can spotlight on the political ideas of the Joseon Dynasty's king and servants from various angles. The king of Joseon tried to realize the Confucian ideology by fully utilizing Sa-jo-mok(四條目), and melted the Confucian ideology into their political ideas. And accordingly, it was possible to confirm the three-dimensional monarchy. Se-jong(世宗) turned out to be the imperial monarch leading state affairs, Seon-jo(宣祖) was the prince of Gong-chi(共治), and Yeong-jo(英祖) and Jeong-jo(正祖) were the Gun-sa(君師) of unity. Another aspect that can be confirmed through The Extended Meaning of The Great Learing(大學衍義) is the development of the political structure of the Joseon Dynasty. Se-jong(世宗) era moved to a political structure in which individual kings lead the political situation and servants assist, while the Seon-jo(宣祖) era moved to a political structure in which king and servants are equal or sometimes subjects are slightly more dominant. In addition, Yeong-jo(英祖) era moved toward the unity of the king and people, a form of engaging the people in politics. As such, The Extended Meaning of The Great Learing(大學衍義) was used and transformed according to the situation of the times in the Joseon Dynasty, and it presented an ideal monarchy and had a great influence on real politics. However, The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) did not provide much help in the process of Joseon's political decline due to Se-jo(世祖)'s overthrow of the throne, the tyranny of Yeonsan-gun(燕山君), the Bung-dang(朋黨) conflict, and the Se-do(世道) politics. This is because The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) have fundamental limitations of monarch-centered cesareanism. Zhen Dexiu’s (眞德秀) was also aware of these limitations. He offered The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) in anticipation of the king's affection because he was worried that the meaning of The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) would be revealed by his subjects wielding power. This means that the meaning of The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) cannot be fully realized unless the minimum conditions for the king to lead the state affairs are prepared. If the monarch fully performs his role through psychological study, it has the advantage of showing high efficiency, but effective measures cannot be taken for problems that arise when the monarch fails to fully perform his role. In addition, the limitation of The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) is that even if the monarch completes the su-gi-chi-in(修己治人), it cannot guarantee that the crown prince will continue his reign. The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) has a drawback that it does not come up with effective measures against these problems. However, The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) has been read in the of The GyeongYeon(經筵) of the Joseon Dynasty for 400 years and has been used as a basic book of cesarean studies while supplementing problems that cannot be solved by The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) according to the situation of the times. Therefore, it can be said that The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義) is of sufficient research value in grasping the political ideas and monarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. Keywords : The Extended Meaning of The Great Learning(大學衍義), Zhen Dexiu’s (眞德秀), The GyeongYeon(經筵), monarchy of the Joseon Dynasty, the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄).

조선후기 국가의 천주교 대응과 형정(刑政)

남호현 서강대학교 일반대학원 2024 국내박사

이 논문은 1784년(정조 8) ‘조선 천주교회’의 탄생을 계기로 시작된 조선후기 국 가의 천주교 대응 수단으로 중요하게 활용된 ‘刑政’의 전개를 통시적으로 고찰한다. 조선후기 국가는 양반 지배층을 중심으로 하는 신분 질서와 조상숭배로 대표되는 종법적 질서를 바탕으로 하는 지배체제를 구축하였다. 이는 모두 유교(성리학)적 가 치관을 기반으로 한 것인데, 이러한 동아시아의 전통과는 전혀 다른 맥락에서 탄생 한 천주교는 유교적 가치관과 많은 지점에서 차이를 보인다. 16세기부터 동아시아 에 진출한 예수회 선교사들의 활동을 통해 천주교는 조선에도 전해졌고, 18세기 후 반까지 조선에서 천주교는 ‘異端’으로 치부되며 비판받았으나, 적어도 천문과 역법 분야에서는 효용을 인정받아 ‘官學’으로서의 지위를 유지하였다. 하지만 1783(정조 7)년 이승훈의 북경 사행을 계기로 이듬해 탄생한 ‘조선 천주교회’는 천주교의 가르 침을 조선에서 실현하고자 하였으며, 이는 곧 유교에 기반한 조선왕조의 지배체제 에 대한 전면적인 도전으로 여겨져 적극적인 탄압의 대상이 되었다. 조선왕조는 현실 세계에서 한반도를 지배하는 국가권력임과 동시에, 그 사람들로 하여금 유교적 이상사회의 구현을 위해 노력하게 할 책무를 동시에 지니고 있었다. 이는 단지 국가가 기능적인 차원에서 인민을 다스리는 기구나 제도가 아닌, 조선왕 조에 속한 개개인이 도덕적 이상사회의 구현을 위해 노력해야 한다는 유교적 가치 관에 기반하였다. 따라서 조선왕조는 조상숭배를 비롯한 유교적 가치를 정면으로 부정한 조선 천주교회를 국내에 존재해선 안 될 ‘범죄자’로 규정하였고, 이들을 통 제하기 위한 수단으로 ‘형정’을 실시하였다. 이때 형정이란 조선 천주교 신자들을 단순히 범죄자로 처벌하는 것에서 한 걸음 더 나아가, 이들을 다시금 유교적 가치 를 추구하는 개인으로 돌아오게 하는 것을 궁극적 목적으로 삼았다. 이러한 점에서 천주교에 대한 조선왕조의 대응은 외래 종교에 대한 국가 차원의 거부임과 동시에, 유교적 가치관을 고수하기 위한 전 국가적 차원의 노력이기도 하였다. 전통시대 동아시아의 형정은 단순히 법리적인 해석[法]뿐 아니라 개별 사건의 특 수한 사정[情] 및 당대의 사회적 가치[理]를 종합적으로 고려하여 사건에 대한 가 장 합리적인 판결을 목적으로 하였다. 이는 죄형법정주의를 기본으로 하는 오늘날 의 법체제와 차이가 있지만, 동아시아의 여러 법전에서 공유되었으며 대명률을 통해 집대성됨으로써 전통시대 동아시아 법체제의 특수성으로 자리잡았다. 조선왕 조 또한 건국 직후부터 대명률을 일반법으로 수용함으로써 전통시대 동아시아 법 체제의 이상을 수용하였고, 이를 천주교 신자의 형정에도 적용함으로써 조선왕조의 천주교 신자들은 모두 전통시대 동아시아 법체제 안에서 범죄자로 단죄되었다. 조 선왕조는 조선의 천주교 신자들을 대명률뿐만이 아닌 경국대전과 속대전을 비롯한 조선의 國典을 통해서도 처벌하였는데, 이러한 사실은 조선후기 천주교 신 자에 대한 형정이 국가의 능동적인 법 적용의 결과였음을 확인해 준다. 한편, 19세기부터 본격적으로 조선과 접촉하기 시작한 서양은 조선왕조에서 천주 교와 동일시되었다. 천주교가 서양의 학문을 의미하는 ‘西學’으로 이해되었기 때문 이다. 따라서 조선왕조의 천주교 신자에 대한 형정은 곧 그 시기 대외인식의 척도 이기도 하다. 실제로 1785년(정조 9) 천주교 신자에 대한 형정이 개시된 이후 조선 천주교 신자들은 시기에 따라 다른 죄목으로 처벌받았다. 이는 천주교 신자 개개인 의 사정이 다양했기 때문이기도 하지만, 가장 큰 이유는 시기별 천주교와 조선 천 주교회를 바라보는 조선왕조의 시선이 달랐기 때문이다. 진산사건(1791) 당시 최초 로 처형된 윤지충과 권상연은 조상의 신주를 불태웠다는 이유로 처형되었으며, 신 유년(1801) 이후 대부분의 조선 천주교 신자들은 妖書나 妖言을 지어 여러 사람을 현혹시킨[惑衆] 혐의로 참수되었다. 또한 주문모 신부를 비롯한 선교사들에게는 ‘軍 律’이 적용되었으며, 일부 지도급 신자들에게는 전통시대 동아시아에서 가장 무거운 형률인 「犯上不道」나 「謀叛」, 「謀反大逆」과 같은 ‘逆律’이 적용되기도 하였다. 이처 럼 다양한 죄목이 조선 천주교 신자들에게 적용되었다는 사실은, 그 자체로서 조선 천주교회를 바라보는 조선왕조의 시선이 달라져 왔음을 보여준다. 이처럼 조선왕조가 천주교 문제에 형정적으로 대응하였고, 그 양상이 시기별로 다르게 이루어진 사실은 곧 조선후기 국가와 법의 관계를 보여주는 것이기도 하다. 조선후기 형정의 주체는 대체로 법을 직접 집행한 조정(왕실)과 정국을 장악한 집 권 세력 그리고 조선왕조의 지배층 전반을 아우르는 양반사회의 여론으로 구성되었 다. 이들은 모두 조선 천주교회를 형정으로 다스리는 것에 동의하였지만, 실제 형정 의 집행 과정에서는 조금씩 다른 입장을 취했다. 조선 조정이 천주교 신자의 형정 을 통한 법질서와 ‘典刑’의 수호에 무게중심을 두었다면, 집권 세력은 자신의 정파 나 가문의 이익을 위한 반대파의 제거에 집중하였고, 양반사회의 여론은 말 그대로 ‘邪學’인 천주교를 진멸하는 데에 초점을 맞췄다. 이러한 차이는 천주교 신자에 대 한 형정을 ‘박해’라는 시선에서 바라본 기존의 시각에서는 포착하지 못한 지점으로, 이 논문은 ‘박해자’가 아닌 형정이라는 수단을 통해 조선 천주교회라는 내부의 세력 을 법적으로 통제하고자 한 ‘조정자’로서 국가의 역할을 새롭게 조명한다. 결과적으로 조선후기 천주교 신자의 형정을 통해 확인한 조선후기 국가는, 단순 히 중국법을 무비판적으로 수용한 것도, 또 무력하게 집권 세력 내지 여론에 의한 전단이 이루어진 무기력한 존재도 아니었다. 그것은 조정과 집권 세력, 양반사회의 여론을 폭넓게 아우르며 천주교 신자에 대한 형정을 신중하게 운영하였으며, 결과 적으로 이를 통해 전통시대 동아시아 법질서가 추구하였던 유교적 이상사회의 구현 을 여전히 추구하고 있었다. 이러한 점에서 조선후기 국가의 천주교 대응과 그 수 단으로 활용된 형정을 통시적으로 이해하는 것은, 기존의 ‘교회사’의 서술을 풍부하 게 해줄 뿐 아니라 이를 통해 조선후기 국가와 사회, 법의 관계를 알 수 있게 해준 다는 점에서도 의의를 찾을 수 있다. This thesis examines the historical process of the law implication(刑政) as an important means of countering Catholicism in the late Joseon Dynasty, which began with the birth of the Korean Catholic Church in 1784. The Joseon Dynasty established a ruling system based on a class order centered on ruling class and a patriarchal system represented by ancestor worship. These were all based on Confucian (specially Neo Coufucianism) values, and Catholicism, which was born in a very different context from these East Asian traditions, differed from them at many aspects. Through the work of Jesuit missionaries in East Asia from the 16th century onward, Catholicism was introduced to Joseon, and until the late 18th century, Catholicism was criticized as "heretical(異端)" in Joseon, but it was recognized for its utility, at least in the fields of astronomy and calendar law, and maintained its status as an official studies. However, in 1783, following Lee Seung-hoon's trip to Peking, the 'Catholic Church of Joseon' was founded the following year to implement the teachings of Catholicism in Joseon, which was soon seen as an open challenge to the Confucian-based ruling system of the Joseon Dynasty and was actively suppressed. The Joseon Dynasty was both a state power that ruled the Korean peninsula in the real world and a responsibility to its people to strive for the implementation of a Confucian ideal society. This was based on the Confucian value that the state was not just an institution or system that functionally governed the people, but that each individual should strive to implement a moral ideal society. Therefore, the Joseon Dynasty declared the Korean Catholic Church, which directly denied Confucian values including ancestor worship, as a "criminal", and implemented law application as a means to control them. The meaning of "law application" here does not merely punish the Joseon Catholics as criminals, but goes one step further, with the ultimate goal of transforming them into individuals who once again pursue Confucian values. In this sense, the Joseon Dynasty's response to Catholicism was not only a national rejection of foreign religions, but also a nationwide effort to uphold Confucian values. Law application in East Asia during the premodern period was aimed at reaching the most reasonable decision on a case by considering not only the legal interpretation [法] but also the special circumstances [情] of the individual case and the social values [理] of the time. This is different from today's legal system, but was shared by many East Asian legal codes and compiled through the Great Ming Code(大明律), making it a distinctive feature of the East Asian legal system in the premodern era. The Joseon Dynasty also adopted the ideals of the traditional East Asian legal system by adopting the Great Ming Code as general law, and applied them to the sentencing of Catholics, so that all Catholics in the Joseon Dynasty were condemned as criminals within the traditional East Asian legal system. The Joseon Dynasty punished Catholics in Korea not through the Great Ming Code but through other Korean laws, confirming that the criminalization of Catholics in late Joseon was the result of the state's active application of the law. Meanwhile, the Western world, which began to contact Joseon in earnest in the 19th century, was identified with Catholicism in the Joseon dynasty. As such, the Joseon Dynasty's sentencing of Catholics was a measure of its perception of the West. In fact, since the criminalization of Catholics began in 1785, Korean Catholics were punished for different crimes at different times. This was partly due to the varying circumstances of individual Catholics, but mostly due to the different ways in which the Joseon dynasty viewed Catholicism and the Korean Catholic Church at different times. The first executions during the Jinsan Incident (1791) were Yoon Ji-chung and Kwon Sang-yeon, who were executed for burning an ancestral shrine, while after the 1801, most Joseon Catholics were beheaded for making false writings and deceiving others. In addition, missionaries were subjected to the "military law," and some leaders were subjected to the "treason," such as "contempt of authority(犯上不道)," "Betrayal(謀叛)," and "Rebellion(謀反大逆)," which were the most severe penalties in East Asia during the premodern era. The fact that such a wide range of offenses were applied to Joseon Catholics is itself an indication of the Joseon Dynasty's changing view of the Church. The fact that the Joseon Dynasty responded to the problem of Catholicism in a criminal matter, and that the way in which it did so varied over time, is also indicative of the relationship between the state and the law in the late Joseon Dynasty. The subjects of late Joseon Dynasty's law application were generally composed of the Joseon court, which directly enforced the law, the ruling power that controlled the state, and the public opinion of the wider Joseon society. While all of these subjects agreed that the Joseon Catholic Church should be punished, they took slightly different positions on the actual execution of the law application. Whereas the Joseon court focused on the preservation of law and order through the punishment of Catholics, the ruling powers focused on the elimination of dissent for the benefit of their own party or family, and the public opinion of the yangban focused on the extermination of Catholicism. This difference is not captured in the conventional view of the criminalization of Catholics as 'persecution', and this thesis provides a new perspective on the role of the state as a 'mediator' that sought to legally control the internal forces of the Joseon Catholic Church through the means of criminalization rather than as a 'persecutor'. As a result, the late Joseon state, as confirmed by the sentencing of Catholics, was neither a mere uncritical acceptance of Chinese law, nor a helpless entity that was powerlessly propagated by the ruling power or public opinion. It carefully operated the punishment of Catholics, covering a wide range of opinions from the ruling power, the ruling class, and public opinion, and consequently still pursued the ideal of a Confucian society that the East Asian legal order of the traditional era pursued. In this respect, a synchronic understanding of the late Joseon state's response to Catholicism and the criminal justice system utilized as a means of doing so not only enriches the existing narrative of 'church history' but also allows us to understand the relationship between the state, society, and law in the late Joseon period.

조선시대 의학교육제도에 대한 연구 : 명청대와의 비교를 중심으로

국수호 경희대학교 대학원 2021 국내박사

This study is on the medical education system of the Joseon Dynasty. The difference between this study and previous studies is that this study is a comparative study between medical education systems of those three Dynasty. And through this comparison this study more reveals the features of the medical education system of Joseon Dynasty. The materials used in this study are the dynastic annals, collections of codes, manual books of medical institutions, and the method of this study is reviewing those literature materials. In the first chapter, this study presents an outline of the medical institutions of the Joseon, Ming and Qing Dynasty and compares them. The comparison criteria are the relationship between a medical administrative office and a medical education office, The involvement of senior government officials, the presence of a medical administrative office for women, and the degree of centralization. In the second chapter, this study presents how the medical personnel were selected in the Joseon, Ming and Qing Dynasty. The methods how to select the medical personnel by the dynasties are cultivating people to inherit medicine, giving people a chance of applying for a state examination, employing medical practitioners, entitling someone who grants his government money a medical student. In the third chapter, this study presents how the governments provide education to their medical students. The Joseon government has ‘SibHak(十學)’system which has 10 categories of technical works, and in which medicine is included. Medical students of the Joseon Dynasty are dispersed in the medical education offices named ‘JeonUiGam(典醫監)’ and ‘HyeMinSeo(惠民署),’ and educated there. On the other hand, Medical students of the Ming and Qing Dynasties study medicine in the medical education office named ‘TaeUiWon(太醫院).’ In the third chapter, this study presents the comparison of medical textbooks. The medical textbooks of the Joseon Dynasty can be categorized into five groups, and this study tries to explain the reason why these group can be categorized. And what differences exist in the medical textbooks of the Ming and Qing Dynasty against those of the Joseon Dynasty are explained. In the third chapter, this study presents the medical education tests of the Joseon and the Qing Dynasty which has their examples. Oral examinations are used in the Joseon Dynasty, and written tests are used in the Qing Dynasty. These two forms of testing reflect the values that were important in each dynasty. Written tests used in the Qing Dynasty are related to the popularity of ‘PalGoMun(八股文)’ which is a sentence format used in a state examination. Oral examinations used in the Joseon Dynasty reflects the fact that learning in Confucian scriptures was important in that time. In the third chapter, this study presents the status of a official doctor in these dynasties. Through this, it is confirmed that the Joseon doctors received better treatment than the doctors of the Ming and Qing Dynasty. The Joseon government was greatly influenced by Ming and Qing's system. Nevertheless, it has been confirmed that there are many differences in the medical system between them. It suggests that the Joseon government's perception of medicine was different from Ming and Qing government. The existence of these differences helps us to understand the characteristics of Korean traditional medicine more clearly. Further studies are needed on the comparison with the medical education system of Japan.

조선시대 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 조형성을 활용한 디자인 연구

제유나 중앙대학교 대학원 2022 국내석사

The purpose of this study is using the uniqueness of the Joseon Dynasty jewelry as an identity and to express the diversity of formativeness by complementing the single expression. This study utilizes the formative characteristics of Joseon Dynasty jewelry and Romanticism jewelry. As a research method, literature research through domestic and foreign books, academic journal, and dissertations, as well as case studies through web site and brand homepage were conducted in parallel. First, the types of jewelries in the Joseon Dynasty were classified according to the way they were worn, and the formativeness of the design elements was considered. The Jewelries of the Joseon Dynasty have a pluralistic function, which is a symbol of ideological value, a function of magic, decoration. And these characteristics are expressed as the simplification and differentiation of motifs, the three-dimensional structure and a formative characteristic of a dynamic structure and a sense of rhythm. Next, the types of Romanticism jewelry were classified according to the flow of the times, Victorian jewelry and Edwardian jewelry, and formative characteristics were organized through design elements. Also, through the jewelry brand collection, we looked a the case of contemporary jewelry design reflecting the formativeness of Romanticism jewelry. The irony of Romanticism jewelry expressing ideological themes in symbolic motifs appeared, and showy decorations and delicate and sophisticated expressions were revealed through formative work. These characteristics appeared as realistic descriptions of motifs, horizontal structures of units, and visual effects utilizing the physical properties of materials. Based on the above, the results of the study combining the formative characteristics of Joseon Dynasty jewelry and Romanticism jewelry are as follows. First, by selectively borrowing or transforming the motif expression methods of Joseon Dynasty jewelry and Romanticism jewelry, a visual image was obtained through contrasting effects between abstract expression and realistic depiction, artificial beauty and natural beauty, while giving change and differentiation. Second, it was reconstructed through dismantling and combining by borrowing the structural features of the ornaments and romanticism of the Joseon Dynasty. Various three-dimensional forms of Joeson Dynasty jewelry such as vertical elements, vollplastik, and overlapping structure were combined with the Romanticism jewelry’s formativeness such as the static atmosphere such as the horizontal expansion of the module structure, the front composition. This Combination of formativeness has a complementary effect. Third, it was reconstructed into a modern image through the contrast effect and image using the physical properties of the material, and the hard physical properties of metals and jewels were supplemented through the sensory effect using the movement. The structure that combines the movement and the physical properties of the material create a mutually organic formative beauty. As such, this study reconstructed and subdivided the formative characteristics of Joseon Dynasty jewelry and Romanticism jewelry, and produced various images of the unique characteristics of Joseon Dynasty jewelry. In addition to the formativeness used in research, various characteristics exist in Joseon Dynasty jewelry and Romanticism jewelry. Therefore, it is expected that future research will expand the study on how to utilize the characteristics of Joseon Dynasty jewelry and Romanticism jewelry. 본 연구는 조선시대 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리에 나타나는 조형적 특성을 활용하여 조선시대 장신구의 고유성을 아이덴티티로 활용하고, 단일적인 디자인을 넘어 조형의 다양성을 표현하는데 목적이 있다. 연구 방법으로는 조선시대 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 이론적 기반을 밝히기 위해 국·내외 문헌 연구를 진행하고, 브랜드 홈페이지 및 웹사이트를 활용한 사례 연구를 병행하였다. 연구 내용은 먼저, 조선시대 장신구의 유형을 착용 방식에 따라 분류하고 디자인 구성요소에 나타난 조형성에 대해 고찰하였다. 조선시대 장신구는 사상적 가치를 담은 상징과 주술의 기능과 장식의 기능을 하는 다원성을 지니고 있으며, 이러한 특성은 모티프의 단순화 및 분화, 삼차원 구조에 따른 입체감, 동적 구조와 율동감의 조형적 특성으로 나타났다. 다음으로, 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 유형을 시대적 흐름에 따라 빅토리안 주얼리와 에드워디안 주얼리 분류하고 디자인 구성요소를 통해 조형적 특징을 정리하였다. 또한 주얼리 브랜드 컬렉션을 통해 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 조형성을 반영한 현대 주얼리 디자인 사례를 살펴보았다. 로맨티시즘 주얼리는 관념적 주제를 상징적 모티프에 담아 표현하는 아이러니가 나타났으며, 과시적인 장식과 섬세하고 정교한 조형적 표현이 드러났다. 이러한 특성은 모티프의 사실적 묘사, 유닛의 수평적 구조, 소재의 물성을 활용한 시각효과로 나타났다. 위 내용을 바탕으로 조선시대 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 조형적 특성을 결합한 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 조선시대 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 모티프 표현 방식을 선택적으로 차용하거나 변용하여 추상표현과 사실적 묘사, 인공미와 자연미의 대비 효과로 시각적 이미지를 얻는 동시에 변화와 차별성을 주었다. 둘째, 조선시대 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 구조적 특징을 차용하여 해체와 결합을 통해 재구성하였다. 조선시대 장신구의 수직 요소, 환조 표현, 중첩 구조 등 다양한 삼차원의 형태는 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 모듈 구조의 수평적 확장성과 정면 구성이 가지는 정적인 분위기와 결합하여 입체감을 더하고 실루엣의 율동 효과를 얻었다. 셋째, 소재의 물성이 가지는 이미지와 대비 효과를 통해 현대적 이미지로 재구성하고, 금속과 보석의 딱딱한 물성은 동세를 활용한 감각적 효과를 결합함으로써 유동적인 이미지로 표현하였다. 동세와 소재의 물성이 결합된 구조는 상호 유기적인 조형미를 만들어 냈다. 이처럼 본 연구는 조선시대 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리의 조형적 특성을 세분화하여 재구성함으로써 조선시대 장신구가 가진 고유의 특성들을 다양한 이미지로 연출하였다. 조선시대 장신구 및 로맨티시즘 주얼리는 연구에 활용된 조형성 외에도 다양한 특질이 존재한다. 따라서 후속 연구에서는 전통 장신구와 로맨티시즘 주얼리에 대한 포괄적인 연구 뿐 아니라 구조, 소재, 기능적 측면에서 다양한 변용 연구가 이루어지기를 기대한다.

정조 이후의 제례악 악현 변천에 관한 고찰

한정원 연세대학교 대학원 2007 국내석사

In this paper, researcher investigated the changes of orchestration of Korean classical court music from the latter period of Joseon Dynasty up until today by making comparison between the orchestration principle of Korean court ritual music that appeared in the liturgical book; the Comprehensive Study of the Ministry of Rites (春官通考, Chungwan Tonggo) which was compiled in the period of King Jeongjo in Joseon Dynasty, also that arranged in a book of music (樂書, Akseo) titled, Review of Classical Court Music of Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮樂槪要, Joseonak Gaeyo), which was compiled in Japanese forced occupation period, and the principle of combining various instruments in the current court ritual music.Reason for selection of Chungwan Tonggo that contains the principle of orchestration during the period of King Jeongjo as the subject of this research from the beginning is because King Jeongjo ordered Yu Ui-yang (柳義養) to make a complete survey of rites and rituals and historical events concern with founding kings(國祖), and compile all available data into one book, so that this great book shows the art of orchestration for the classical court music of the latter period of Joseon Dynasty in a comprehensive manner.Also Joseonak Gaeyo shows the principle of orchestration in the late Joseon Dynasty and also the method of assigning parts to the different musical instruments when the authority of Yi Dynasty of Korea had been collapsed and degraded to merely Yi royal family during the Japanese forced occupation period. In addition, patterns of performances of the ritual music during the period of Japanese forced occupation and of today were analyzed based on the data and information gathered from studies of the literatures on the history of Korean music and the ritual music performed at Jongmyo (宗廟, a shrine where memorial services are performed for deceased kings) and Munmyo (文廟, Confucian Temple) as well.Neo-Confucianism was the governing idea of the Joseon society, and in the late Joseon, such an ideal was actualized in the reality of politics. In those days, Joseon Dynasty paid a great attention to rearrangements of the state’s rites and rituals as a cultural hub in the region based on the sense of self-esteem that the nation enjoyed the most superior culture in the world. Accordingly, issues on music performance (用樂) was emerged. Matching such trend, King Jeongjo was tried to accomplish a goal of the government of a true king through recovery of ancient music. Such a faith of King could be realized through works of Yu Ui-yang.The literature compiled by Yu Ui-yang having discovered the facts and gathered data relating to the rites and rituals in connection with founding kings based on existing liturgical books was Chungwan Tonggo. Therefore, history of the ages as well as thoughts of those days had been well sunk into the principles of orchestration edited in Chungwan Tonggo.Such principle of orchestration in the period of King Jeongjo, following to the faith of the King, exhibits an effort to adhere to ancient heritage faithfully, that is, the principle of arrangement of musical instruments forCourt Music(雅樂) which is an earlier form of the classical court ritual music. Complete arrangements of octa-scale (八音), which was the principle of instrument arrangement for the court music tells such fact, although the number of instruments had not greatly increased nor reduced. These principles had been inherited to the late Joseon Dynasty.However, from the late Joseon Dynasty when invasions from the western imperial powers started, such principles had begun to change by little. With collapse of the policy of seclusion of Joseon Dynasty, after the port opened for Japan, exploitation of western powers became fiercer, and in spite of efforts to save the country by proclaiming it as an empire, in the end, the nation had been reduced to a colony of imperialist Japan. Under such circumstances, it was quite natural that the musical institution belonged to the royal court had been changed.Joseonak Gaeyo was written by Ham Hwa-jin who was a musician of Leewangjik court music band in 1917 under the Japanese colonial reigh, and this book contains the orchestration performed in the late of Joseon Dynasty during the period of Japanese forced occupation. The acts of assigning a piece of music for orchestra assigning parts to the different musical instruments described in this book exhibit the music of declining dynasty, and a nation that lost sovereignty. In particular, there were only two types of the court ritual music left, which performed at Jongmyo and Munmyo during the rituals. And so, it barely kept itself in existence.Those principles of orchestrations in those days had not equipped with octa-scale, and also it was found that there were phenomena of deterioration of instruments due to drastic reduction of musicians, contrast to the arrangements of instrument in the latter period of Joseon Dynasty, which performed octa-scale having adhered to the traditional principles faithfully.The court ritual music for the rituals at Jongmyo and Munmyo that have been descended as such were performed up to 1940s, but, after liberation of the country, its performance was stopped on account of war or else, and in 1971, the court music band was reorganized and it has been performing at the rituals ever since.Presently, the court ritual music at the memorial service of Jongmyo is performed on every Sunday in May by the court music band from the National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts, and the court ritual music for the services at Munmyo is performed in both spring season and autumn season, to be specific, on the first day to count the stem, Jeong (丁) in a month (the fourth-stem day in the order of ten celestial stems, which is an ancient Chinese cyclic character numeral system, 上丁日) in February and August, by lunar calendar, every year by the same court ritual band.The court ritual music played for the services at Jongmyo and Munmyo which have been performing in 2000s without interruptions has been restored on the basis of the musical pattern that performed during the period of Japanese forced occupation in 1930s. By adding several instruments more to the orchestration used in 1930s and also increasing the number of performers per instrument, it can be said that the current orchestrations played at Jongmyo and Munmyo are the biggest in size amongst the orchestrations of the court ritual music in history.Since the court ritual music performed Jongmyo was the music used for memorial services for the founding fathers of Joseon, it is true that the music should have had to go through many changes under the intention of the imperialist Japan who intended to liquidate the national spirit. Meanwhile, it can be said that the court ritual music performed at Munmyo for memorial service for Confucius in China had experienced the changes relatively in a weaker fashion comparing to the court ritual music performed at Jongmyo.It might be because the rituals performed at Munmyo had a different purpose so much as to be treated as the second biggest ceremony (中祀, Jungsa in Korean) among the three, different from the one performed at Jongmyo, which was the biggest ceremony (大祀, Daesa) among the three-big ceremony in the nation. Also, it might be because, at the time of services of Munmyo, only court music had been used from the beginning comparing to the rituals performed at Jongmyo where the court music was used at first, but later, popular court entertainment music(俗樂, sogak) was used.As above, changes of orchestration according to the ages from the one used for the court ritual music during the latter period of Joseon Dynasty to the orchestrations of current court ritual music performed at both Jongmyo and Munmyo were investigated and reviewed.Results from examination of the characteristics of orchestration during the period of King Jeongjo showed that there was a great deal of efforts to restore the court music, which had been staled, to the archetypal orchestration of the court music. And, the orchestration restored had been inherited until the late Joseon Dynasty, however, there occurred changes not only in the orchestration for the court ritual music, but also in the court music in the late Joseon period. At this time, King Gojong proclaimed Daehan Empire under the threat of depriving Korean people of sovereignty both at home and abroad, and along with the government organizational reform, the orchestration had been reorganized as in the style of a nation ruled by an emperor.However, upon entering into Japanese imperial period, there were only two types of court rituals music left out of the orchestrations of which demand had been increased temporarily, and so it could remain in existence. Amid debates on necessity of Leewangjik court music band and argues about the problem of keeping or discarding the band, drastic reduction of the number of musicians and orchestration was unavoidable. After attained liberation of the nation, the court ritual music was unable to be performed because Korean War broke out on June 25, etc. and activities related to the music were ceased, then after, the court ritual music was restored on the basis of the orchestration of the court ritual music performed in 1930s.In these research works, the efforts exerted in order to examine the situation in the ages from the late Joseon up to now, changes in pattern of arrangements of instrument for the court ritual music, and characteristics thereof, while making comparison between the orchestration for the court ritual music appeared in Chungwan Tonggo and also in a book of music compiled during the Japanese forced occupation period titled, Joseonak Gaeyo and the orchestration for the court ritual music performed by the National Center of Korean Traditional Performin... 본고는 정조 이후에 편찬된 전례서(典禮書)인 『춘관통고(春官通考)』와 일제강점기에 편찬된 악서(樂書)인『조선악개요(朝鮮樂槪要)』에 나타난 제례악 악현(악기편성)과 그 외의 자료에 나타난 일제강점기와 현행 제례악의 악기 편성을 비교함으로서 조선후기에서 현재까지의 악현 변화를 고찰하였다.제일 먼저 정조대의 악현이 담겨있는『춘관통고』를 연구 대상으로 삼은 것은, 정조가 유의양(柳義養)으로 하여금 국조(國祖)의 전례에 대한 사실을 수집하여 집대성한 책이기에 조선 후기 제례악의 악현을 종합적으로 보여줄 수 있다는 점 때문이다. 또한『조선악개요』는 구한말의 악현과 일제강점기 이왕가로 격하된 당시의 악현을 보여줄 수 있으며, 그 외의 한국음악사 문헌과 현재 사용되고 있는 종묘제례악과 문묘제례악을 보여줄 수 있는 자료들을 대상으로 일제강점기와 현재의 제례악 연주 형태를 분석하였다.조선 후기는 성리학을 통치 사상으로 삼았던 조선 사회가 그 이념을 정치 현실에 구현한 시대였다. 조선이 당시의 세계에서 가장 우월한 문화를 향유한다는 자존감을 바탕으로, 문화중심국으로서의 국가 전례 정비에 관심을 가지게 되고 그에 따른 용악(用樂)의 문제가 대두된다. 그에 발맞추어 정조는 옛 음악으로의 회복을 통해 왕도 정치를 구현하고자 했다. 이러한 왕의 신념은 유의양을 통해 실현될 수 있었다. 유의양이 기존의 전례서들을 토대로 국조의 전례에 대한 사실을 수집하여 만든 문헌이 바로『춘관통고』였다. 그렇기 때문에『춘관통고』에 실려있는 악현들에는 당시의 시대와 사상이 녹아있는 것이다. 이러한 정조대의 악현들은 왕의 신념대로 옛것, 즉 제례악의 모태인 아악의 악기배치 원리에 충실하려는 노력을 보인다. 악기의 수는 크게 늘거나 줄지 않았지만, 아악의 악기배치 원칙인 팔음(八音)의 완전한 구비가 그것이다. 이 원칙들은 구한말까지 이어져 내려오게 된다.그러나 서양 제국주의 열강들의 침입을 받기 시작한 구한말부터 이 원칙에도 조금씩 변화가 생긴다. 조선의 쇄국정책이 무너지고 일본과의 개항 이후 서양 열강들의 수탈은 더욱 심해졌으며, 황제국까지 선포하는 노력에도 불구하고 결국 일제의 식민지로 전락하게 된다. 이런 상황 속에서 궁중에 소속되어 있던 음악기관의 변화는 당연한 것이었다.『조선악개요』는 일제강점기인 1917년에 당시 이왕직아악부의 아악사였던 함화진이 저술한 책으로, 구한말과 일제강점기의 악현을 담고 있는 문헌이다. 이 책의 악현들은 구한말 쇠락해가는 왕조의 음악과, 주권을 상실한 국가의 음악을 보여주고 있다. 특히 선조들에게 제사를 지낼 때 쓰이던 제례악은 단 2종, 종묘와 문묘만이 남아 겨우 명맥을 이을 수 있었다. 이 시기의 악현들은 조선 후기의 악기 배치들이 고제(古制)에 충실하여 팔음을 구비했던 것과는 대조적으로, 팔음은 갖추지 못했을 뿐더러 악공의 대폭적인 감소로 인한 악기의 결손 현상이 눈에 띈다.이렇게 이어진 종묘제례악과 문묘제례악은 1940년대까지 실행되다가 해방을 맞은 후, 전쟁 등으로 인해 맥이 끊겼다가 1971년 복설하여 현재에 이른다. 현재 종묘제례악은 5월 매주 첫 번째 일요일 종묘에서 국립국악원이 연주를 맡아 거행하고 있으며, 문묘제례악은 춘계와 추계 즉, 매년 음력 2월과 8월의 상정일(上丁日)에 국립국악원에서 맡아 시행하고 있다. 2000년대에 연행되고 있는 종묘와 문묘제례악은 1930년대 일제강점기에 시행되던 것을 바탕으로 복원된 것이다. 1930년대의 악현에 악기 몇 가지가 추가되고 한 악기당 연주 인원을 늘림으로써, 현재 연주되는 종묘와 문묘의 악현은 역대 제례악 악현의 규모 중 가장 큰 것이라 할 수 있다. 종묘제례악이 조선을 건국한 선조에 대한 제사에 쓰이는 음악이었기 때문에, 민족정신을 말살하려는 일제의 의도 하에 많은 변화를 겪어온 것이 사실이다. 이에 비해 중국의 공자(孔子)에게 드리는 제사였던 문묘제례악은 종묘제례악에 비해 상대적으로 작은 폭의 변화를 경험했다고 할 수 있다. 그 이유는 대사(大祀)로 취급됐던 종묘와 달리 문묘제례는 중사(中祀)로 취급됐을 만큼 치제(致祭) 목적이 달랐고, 다른 이유는 아악이 사용되었다가 속악이 사용된 종묘제례에 비해 처음부터 쭉 아악만을 사용해왔던 까닭도 있을 것이다.위와 같이 조선후기의 제례악 악현에서부터 현행 종묘제례악과 문묘제례악의 악현에 이르기까지 시대별 악현의 변천을 고찰하였다. 그 결과 정조대의 악현 특징은 양란(兩亂)을 겪으면서 지폐해진 궁중음악을 아악의 원형 악현으로 복귀시키려는 움직임이 두드러졌다는 것이다. 이렇게 복구된 악현이 이어지다 구한말 제례악 악현 뿐만 아니라 궁중음악에 변화가 생기게 된다. 이 때, 대내외적인 국권 침탈의 위협 속에서 고종이 대한제국을 선포하게 되고 이에 따른 관제개혁에 맞춰 악현도 황제국식으로 재편된다. 그러나 일시적으로 수요가 늘어났던 악현은 일제강점기를 맞으면서 단 2개의 제례악만이 남아 겨우 맥을 잇게 된다. 이왕직아악부의 필요성과 존폐(存廢)의 논란 속에서 악공과 악현의 대폭적인 축소 또한 피할 수 없었다. 해방 이후에는 6·25전쟁 등으로 인하여 맥이 끊겼다가 1930년대의 제례악 악현을 토대로 복설되어 현재에 이른다.본 논문은 『춘관통고(春官通考)』와 일제강점기에 편찬된 악서(樂書)인『조선악개요(朝鮮樂槪要)』에 나타난 제례악 악현(악기편성)과 현대 국립국악원의 제례악 악현을 비교하면서 조선후기부터 현재까지의 시대 상황과 제례악 악기 배치 양식의 변천과 그 특징을 고찰하는데 그 의의가 있다 하겠다.

朝鮮後期 阿彌陀佛畵의 淨土思想 硏究

송경화(설송) 위덕대학교 대학원 2022 국내박사

한국불교의 신앙적인 측면이나 사상적인 측면에 있어서 특히 신앙적인 면에서는 정토신앙을 채택하고 있음을 우리 역사를 통해서 확인할 수 있다. 그러한 정토신앙의 주 대상이 곧 아미타불이다. 불교미술에 대한 정의가 존상과 교의 등 여러 가지로 이루어지고 있으며, 그 가운데 아미타불화도 그 나름대로의 소의경전과 도상적 특징을 지니고 있다. 본 연구는 그와 같은 함의를 잘 담아내고 있는 조선 후기에 조성된 아미타불화의 사상적 배경과 존상의 구성에서 보여주는 특징에 대한 연구이다. 이러한 연구 목적에 의해서, 우선 아미타불에 의한 정토가 무엇인가를 살펴보아야겠다. 아미타불에 의한 정토와 그 가르침에 대한 내용이 무엇인가를 이해하지 못하면 당연히 아미타 관련 佛畵도 이해할 수 없을 것이기 때문이다. 그리고 이와 관련하여 문화란 어떤 의미를 지니는 것인가도 함께 살펴보겠다. 정토신앙과 이를 시각화 시킨 아미타불화는 우리의 삶과 종교라는 측면에서 볼때에, 생산활동·정치활동·사회활동·종교·예술 등의 정신 활동을 가능케 하는 총체성을 지니고 있으며 또한 그러한 특징이 드러난 시기가 조선 후기이다. 이와 같은 기반을 전제로 조선 후기의 불교적, 구체적 문화양상이 나타나는데 이 같은 불교 문화가 일반 사회적 문화요소에 어떤 위치를 차지하는 것인가에 따라 불교문화의 수준과 그 가치는 각각 다르게 평가되고 불교문화의 발전이냐 쇠퇴냐 하는데도 영향을 미치게 된다. 전통적으로 전승되어 온 우리의 불교미술 가운데 중요한 부분을 차지하고 있는 정토사상과 결합 된 문화의 소산이고 이는 현재에도 그러한 불교문화를 육성 발전시켜 나가는데 본 연구의 목표를 두고 그를 실행해 나가고자 하는 의지와 동력을 찾는 것이라고 하겠다. 이상과 같은 연구목적의 대상인 조선후기 아미타후불탱이 아미타 괘불과 같은 아미타계 불화들이다. 물론 고려시대 이전의 불화들에 대해서는 현존하는 본격 불화가 없는 관계로 『삼국사기』나 『삼국유사』이외의 문헌자료의 내용을 근거로 하면서 동시대 불교회화에 대한 근거로 채택할 수 있는 唐이나 五代, 北宋 등의 불화를 통해서 그 대강을 파악할 수 있다. 그러나 고려시대 이후 조선시대까지는 풍부하고 다양한 불화가 현존하고 있으므로 이들을 자료로 하여 그 소의경전과 도상을 확인해 볼 수 있다. 먼저 아미타불 정토사상의 기원과 전개에 대한 내용에서는 아미타라는 명칭과 각 경전의 내용들, 즉『정토삼부경』이 주된 고찰의 대상이 되겠으며 또한 이들 경전의 사상을 확인할 수 있는 내용을 구체적으로 살펴보겠다. 이와 함께『정토삼부경』을 기본으로 하는 정토사상과 신앙의 전개에 있어서 인도부터 중국, 그리고 한국에서 수용되고 뿌리내리는 과정을 고찰한다. 조선후기 아미타 불화의 사상적 배경은, 특히 조선조 兩亂 이후 후기에 들면서 정토와 禪이 겸수되고 전쟁으로 인한 고통을 극락왕생이라는 교의가 더욱 설득력을 발휘하면서 전개되는 과정도 살펴보겠다. 이 시기에 조성된 현존하는 대표적인 아미타불화를 소개하면서 도상을 분석해보고 또한 조성한 佛母에 대한 자료를 통하여 이들 불화 세계를 조명한다. 조선 후기에 들어 불화를 조성한 이들은 前期와 같이 畵員畫家가 아니라 畵僧들에 의해서 이루어졌기 때문에 畵師들의 행장을 통한 전승에 대한 고찰이 필요하기 때문이다. 그리고 조선후기 아미타 괘불에 대한 연구로서, 한국의 불교미술 가운데 독특한 양상을 보여주고 있는 괘불은 그 중요성에 비하여 아직 충분한 연구가 이루어지지 않고 있다. 우리나라에 있어서 괘불은 고려 末에서부터 조성되었을 것으로 추측되나 현재 전하고 있는 괘불은 모두 조선후기에 조성된 것이다. 또한 괘불은 불교가 전래된 나라에서 조성되고 현괘되는 일반적인 상황이 아니고 티벳과 한국을 중심으로 이루어지고 있다는 점도 크게 주목되는 부분이다. 그러나 괘불이 현괘되는 방식이나 도상이 한국과 티벳이 다른 양상을 보여주며 특히 한국의 괘불은 주존의 문제에 있어서 다양하게 전개되고 있다는 점도 연구의 대상이라 하겠다. 본 연구는 이러한 괘불 가운데 현존하는 아미타괘불의 양상을 여러 조형적인 요소들을 분석하면서 연구를 진행한다. 대형 걸개 그림인 괘불은 영산재나 수륙재, 예수재 등의 대형 재의식의 본존으로서 그 기능과 사상의 총체성을 지니고 있으며 현재에까지 전승이 되고 있다는 점이 더욱 그러하다. 이러한 연구를 통해서 조선후기 아미타 정토사상 관련 불화가 이미 오랜 역사를 두고 한국의 불교미술에 수용되고 전개되었으며, 한국 불화가 정토사상의 영향을 직접 받았음을 확인할 수 있겠다. 또한 이러한 연구를 바탕으로 아미타불화를 다시 본다면 조선시대 후기를 중심으로 각 시대별 요소를 다양하게 확인하면서 경궤를 바탕으로 하여 새로운 전개의 토대에 기여할 수 있는 불교학적, 불교문화적 자양분이 될 것으로 본다. Throughout the history of Korean Buddhism, various Buddhist ideas have been passed down. However, in terms of its development, it can be confirmed that the Pure Land belief is adopted in terms of religious and ideological aspects. The main object of such Pure Land beliefs is the Amitabha Buddha painting. The definition of Buddhist art is based on icons and doctrinal contents. Therefore, the Buddha Amitabha painting also has three main sutras that reveal the Pure Land thought, and the iconographic characteristics based on them. This study is a study on the ideological background and characteristics of the Amitabha Buddha painting produced in the late Joseon Dynasty, which contain such meanings well. For the purpose of this study, first of all, it is necessary to examine what the Pure Land by Amitabha Buddha is. If you do not understand the aspects and contents of the Pure Land by Amitabha Buddha, you will not be able to understand Buddhist art related to Amitabha Buddha. The Pure Land religion and the Amitabha Buddha painting, which embodies it as a visual art, has a totality in two aspects of life and religion in Korean history, and the period when such characteristics were well revealed was the late Joseon Dynasty. From this premise, Buddhist cultural aspects appear in the late Joseon Dynasty. The level and value of Buddhist culture are revealed depending on the position of Buddhist culture in the general social and cultural elements, and the characteristics of Buddhist culture can be said. The Amitabha Buddha paintings that reflect the Pure Land idea, which occupies an important part of the historically transmitted Buddhist art in Korea, are the product of various cultures. One of the goals of this study is to provide the driving force to nurture and develop the Amitabha Buddha painting discord even today. The Amitabha Buddhist painting in the late Joseon Dynasty, which is the subject of the above study, has already started from the period before that. However, before the Goryeo Dynasty, only records of the Amitabha Buddhist paintings have been transmitted, and since the Goryeo Dynasty to the Joseon Dynasty, rich and diverse Amitabha Buddhist paintings have been handed down to the present, so research can be conducted based on these. In the order of research, first, the origin and development of Pure Land thought by Buddha Amitabha is discussed. Here, the name of Amitabha and the contents of the sutras will be the main subjects of study. Along with this, the process of receiving and taking root in India, China, and Korea in the development of Pure Land ideology and beliefs is considered. In the background of the ideological development of the Amitabha Buddhist paintings in the late Joseon Dynasty, there were two large foreign invasions. Let's take a look at how the Pure Land belief became persuasive due to the suffering caused by these two wars. It introduces representative Amitabha Buddhist paintings produced during this period, analyzes icons, and studies materials about monks that they made themselves, and specifically illuminates the world of Buddhist paintings. The monks who made Buddhist paintings in the late Joseon Dynasty did not belong to the state, unlike the monks in the early Joseon Dynasty, who were painters belonging to the state. Therefore, investigating and confirming their positions and traditions is an important aspect of the study of the style of discord. And the next study is a large-scale Hanging Painting style Amitabha Buddhist painting produced in the late Joseon Dynasty. Large-scale Hanging Painting, which shows a unique aspect among Korean Buddhist art, has not yet been sufficiently researched considering its importance. It is estimated that large Korean Buddhist paintings were made from the end of the Goryeo Dynasty, but all of the Hanging Paintings that remain today were made in the late Joseon Dynasty. Also, it is noteworthy that large-scale Hanging Paintings were not produced in all countries where Buddhism was introduced, but are being made mainly in Tibet and Korea. However, the large-scale Hanging Painting methods and icons used in Buddhist rituals in Korea show a different aspect from Tibet. The large-scale Hanging Painting style in Korea is developed in a much more diverse way than Tibet in terms of icons, and thus is the subject of study. This study proceeds with the study of these large-scale Hanging Paintings in Korea by analyzing aspects such as icons and colors from various angles. Through this study, it is confirmed that Buddhist paintings reflecting the Pure Land thought of Amitabha of the late Joseon Dynasty have been accepted and developed in Korean Buddhist art with a long history, and that Korean Buddhist paintings were directly influenced by the Pure Land idea. Based on this study, we want to confirm the development and diversity of the Amitabha Buddhist painting in Korea, and also contribute to the formation of a foundation that can be developed in a new cultural form based on the contents of the scriptures even today.

조선 후기의 기명절지화 연구

정현숙 수원대학교 2024 국내석사

This study aims to highlight the need to re-evaluate the identity and artistic spirit of Korean painting, with a specific focus on Gimyeongjeoljihwa(器皿折枝画) of the late Joseon Dynasty, which is considered foundational to its origins. First, the concept and origin of Gimyeongjeoljihwa, its introduction into the Joseon Dynasty, and the symbolism of its expressive styles and materials are theoretically examined. Through an analysis of the late Joseon period, this study then aims to establish its identity as a distinctive and sculptural form of Korean painting. The term “Gimyeongjeolji” was first used in Korea. The concept of Gimyeongjeoljihwa was established as a unique style of traditional painting that emerged from a combination of environmental factors, spiritual meanings, and symbolic materials used by literati masters of the late Joseon Dynasty. The establishment of the Joseon Dynasty’s flower culture (hwa-ye culture) can be viewed as a product of the conditions, environmental influences, and aesthetic and artistic tastes of the time. During this period, the concept of “culture as a liberal art” expanded into popular culture, and Gimyeongjeoljihwa was formalized as an artistic and spiritual product, forming the foundation of the identity of Korean flower art to this day. The origins of Korean flower art can be traced back to indigenous primitive festivals, such as Sotdae, and are evident in the tomb paintings of Goguryeo. However, it was only during the Joseon Dynasty that flower art culture became popularized. The sophisticated flower culture and writings of the great masters of the Mooninsa Dynasty played a significant role, and Gimyeongjeoljihwa was formalized as a traditional painting genre during the late Joseon Dynasty. Above all, flower culture was an activity for the literati to connect spiritually with nature through flowers, serving as both an aesthetic pastime and a means of character cultivation. In the luxurious culture of the literati, especially in the culture of poetry, books, and paintings, flower art was recognized as a form of self-reflection and virtue cultivation beyond mere ornamentation. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the hobbies of collecting antiques and stationery items, decorating rooms, and appreciating these collections spread throughout the Gyeonghwasa clan, making flower activities common beyond the literati. Because of this cultural spread, Gimyeongjeoljihwa reached a wide audience from the court to the private sector and included a variety of forms such as Gimyeongdo, Jjemjido, Cheonggongdo, and Bakgongdo, each reflecting symbolic meanings in their styles and materials. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Kang Se-hwang popularized the literati style of Gimyeongjeolji paintings, and full-fledged Gimyeongjeolji paintings were created by Jang Seung-up in the late 19th century. To discuss the establishment of the identity of Korean flower art, this paper examines the background of the formation of flower culture during the Joseon Dynasty and the study of Gimyeongjeoljihwa to establish the identity of Korean flower art. It confirms that Gimyeongjeoljihwa was formalized as a traditional Korean painting that embodies the aesthetics of line, space, emptiness, and filling, which are crucial stylistic characteristics of Korean painting. It is hoped that this direction of research will provide an opportunity to re-recognize Korean painting as a contemporary sculptural art and further pave the way for research that will firmly establish it as a genre of spatial sculpture.

A Study on the characteristics of Confucian Ritual Yi Dance : Focusing on the Dance Notations in the Ming Dynasty of China and the Goryeo and Joseon Dynasty of Korea

두신러 안동대학교 일반대학원 2023 국내박사

The development of Confucian Ritual Yi dance in today's China has gradually deviated from its original appearance. The specific dance form has disappeared in contemporary China, but it has continued in different forms since it spread to Korea. The purpose of this study is to focus on the materials in the Ming Dynasty of China and the Goryeo and Joseon Dynasty of Korea, using the iconography and historical documents, intertextuality theory method, participatory observation to analyze 20 kinds of dance notations and dance characteristics in China and South Korea and complete the Dance notation to dance conversion. First, from a historical point of view, I sort out the formation background of Chinese and Korean Confucian Ritual Yi dance and the formation background of dance notation. Second, it analyzes the texts of the dance morphological characteristics in the Ming Dynasty in China and the Gorey and Joseon Dynasty in Korea one by one. Third, I analyze its internal correlation. First, the source of the dance notation is different, South Korea was recorded in the Ya Yue part of the book following the Song Dynasty dance. Until the late Joseon Dynasty that there was separation. In China, since the Ming Dynasty recorded in music part. In addition, in the Ming Dynasty in China, there were records of dance history with images, but in Korea, although there were notations, they were retellings of Chinese dance notations. Second, the dance rule is different. The dance form of performance is different. Since this kind of dance was spread to Korea, Wenwu and Wuwu have been continued; in China, only Wenwu was performed. The dance props are different. South Korea is 羽 and 翟干戚, China is 籥 and 翟. The music for dance is different. Although South Korea kept the Song system, there were localization changes during the Joseon dynasty. The number of dancers is different. South Korea has 8 people per row, there are two kinds of theory in China, there are six people in a row and 8 people in a row. The Confucian Ritual Yi dance in China and South Korea is inherited from the same root and the same origin, it has an essentially unchanged form of cross-regional communication and maintains the pursuit and identification of its orthodoxy. This has important reference value for the research on the reproduction of the Confucian Ritual Yi dance in ancient Chinese.