明代 前期 外國 使節의 身分證明 方式과 國家間 體系

정동훈 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

This paper basically examines the types of travel and identification documents for official foreign envoys at the Chinese borders and the principles of the international order that the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) tried to establish in East Asia. This research further defines and illustrates the term so-called ‘inter-state system’ in East Asia between the late fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries. After the foundation of the Ming dynasty, frequent visits of foreign delegations gradually became a political and financial burden to the Ming court. Consequently, the Chinese court decided to impose a strict sea blockade and allow only the official tributary envoys to set foot on Chinese soil. When the foreign envoys arrived at the border, they had to prove that they were officially sent by their country. There were several kinds of credentials used when they went through the entry procedure such as tally, part of official seal or documentation, called kamhap (勘合), to be matched with another part of the seal or document for authenticity (for envoys from Japan and Southeast Asia) or an imperial warrant, called kongch’ik (貢勅), issued by the Ming court (for envoys from Mongol and Jurchen tribal groups) or an official warrant, called ch’ach’a (差箚), issued by the Chosǒn court (for Korean envoys). There were only fifteen states which received the official identification kamhap from Ming China. The rulers of these foreign states also all commonly received a Chinese investiture. That is, the Ming court guaranteed the rulers of the selected neighboring states not only political authority but also economic interests by granting exclusive rights to monopolize trade with China. On the other hand, the rulers were obligated to control and intercept illegal diplomatic and trade activities within their territory. In other words, as the Ming court could not directly intervene in all of the neighboring regions, they selected some subordinate partner states and granted them a political and economic privilege, as well as a duty to maintain stable international order. Ming China accepted the diplomatic travel documents issued by the Chosǒn court unlike other foreign states. It was because China shared the same writing and document management systems with Korea. The Chosǒn also never pursued economic interests in their relationship with Ming China. Additionally, the Chosǒn court was strong enough to prevent any problem of diplomatic imposters (wisa, 僞使) and fabricate Chosǒn diplomatic credentials. More significantly, Chosǒn was seen as a model and ideal foreign state by Ming China based on these distinguishing points. Ming China wanted to establish the ‘states’ ruled by kings in their surrounding regions and admitted the selected polities—only in the form of state—as their negotiation partner. With a Chinese investiture and official travel and identification documents, the Ming granted the selected neighboring states exclusive rights and imposed duties on them at the same time in their relationship with China. After all, the Ming court and the rulers of such recognized foreign states could only become the main agents of negotiation between the states in East Asia. Ultimately, this paper brings the term ‘inter-state system’ to describe the characteristics of Ming China’s foreign relationship with neighboring states, as well as the uniqueness of the Chosǒn dynasty in the ‘inter-state system’ in East Asia. These are all the central propositions to which this paper is devoted.

사회국가의 실현 조건과 국민연금 개혁의 방향

차진아 ( Jin A Cha ) 고려대학교 법학연구원 2010 고려법학 Vol.0 No.56

Compared to a liberal right labeled a 19th century right, the driving force to support a social right, called as a 20th century right, seems to have deteriorated since the latter half of the 20th century. In particular, a shrinking social state is prevailing more evidently in the developed countries in the wake of many changes in the economic environment or population composition (aging society), etc. Korea, as one of emerging developed countries, is not exceptional from this global trend; how one will deal with such challenges is recognized as a pressing issue. Actually, the above-stated changes might be closely related to the national pension system reform issues in which there is a considerable controversy over its necessity; therefore, this paper attempts to examine these globally prevailing challenges and to consider alternatives by analyzing the national pension system. In fact, there are various analyses and views concerning the fundamental causes of bringing about the Koran national pension crisis. Korea had conducted parametric reforms in 1998 and 2007; however, it is difficult to say that such measures perfectly solve the above-mentioned problems. Therefore, the pension system still needs more lasting and continuous improvements. The direction of reform of the national pension system should consider financial stabilization, an alternative to financial exhaustion or inter-generation inequality as pivotal elements in considering various reform measures such as raising pension premiums, reducing the benefits or changing the fund management methods. However, such approaches should keep in mind the aspect that the national pension system is purported to realize the idea of the social state. Therefore, the goal of the national pension system reformation is to enhance the solidarity between large and low-income earners, to support socially weak groups and to guarantee the relevant social security net; those goals could be considered as the important elements of national pension system reform, as well as the previously mentioned ones such as financial stabilization or durability. In addition, the alleged retreat of the social state, recognized in pension premium increase or pension benefit cut, should not lead to an unequal and forced sacrifice for the socially weak groups. The level of pension benefit, as long as it is not so-called pocket money pension, should correspond to its goal to provide the minimum material foundation to secure the decent standard of living in coping with difficulties (e.g. disability, disease or aging) the people face in their lives. In order to do so, raising pension premiums is required only on the condition of making effort to gain public support for such an option. In other words, pension reform measures should set and apply income criteria that the people can understand reasonably and clearly in calculating the pension premium. Furthermore, more systemic measures should continuously provide the public with confidence that this income standard scheme could apply to regional pension scheme participants in a rational way. Lastly, the most important thing is that the pension reform should seek the public consensus and support regarding the necessity and method of the pension reform by faithfully offering explanation and adequate persuasion to the people. The very social agreement enable fruitful discussion regarding a real sociality and fair social burden sharing; furthermore, this could prevent unequal sacrifice that could be often forced under the mask of the reform; the reason is that a cut in social benefits, found in an increase in pension premiums or a lowering in income replacement ratio, could cause more serious, far-reaching native effects to the socially weak groups.

남북방송교류의 헌법적 의의와 과제

김현귀 (사)한국언론법학회 2018 언론과 법 Vol.17 No.3

In the period before and after the June 15 declaration, we briefly exchanged broadcasts between South and North Korea. The inter-Korean broadcasting exchange, which had been suspended by the Panmunjom Declaration in 2018, seems to be revitalized now. However, the situation of broadcasting environment of South and North Korea has also changed a lot. It is time to set a new direction based on past experience. Inter-Korean broadcasting exchanges are inter-Korean exchanges in the field of broadcasting. The subjects of inter-Korean broadcasting exchanges are the people who constitute the broadcasting system in the South and North respectively. Inter-Korean exchanges are originally by the people, nor by the state. On the other hand, inter-Korean broadcasting exchanges are carried out under special legal relationship between South and North Korea. And the plan of unification to the national community assumes that the people of the north and south will be integrated into the social community called ‘the national community’ before the unified nation-state. Inter-Korean broadcasting exchanges can play an important role in realizing the national task of peaceful unification. According to the Inter-Korean Agreement, inter-Korean broadcasting exchange is part of social and cultural exchange. Broadcasting is a medium of popular culture. Broadcasting can integrate the inhabitants of the South and the North into the mass, or share cultural interests. So inter-Korean broadcasting exchange will play an important role in culturally integrating to a national community. On the other hand, the content should be formed autonomously in the broadcasting system that will lead the inter-Korean broadcasting exchange. The constitution already guarantees the autonomy in the inter-Korean broadcasting exchange by guaranteeing the principle of culture-state and freedom of broadcasting. For the national task of peaceful unification, the work of the state and the law is to guarantee and appropriately support autonomous inter-Korean broadcasting exchanges. However, the specificity of inter-Korean relations, which is the status of blackout, limits its autonomy. This is also a national task to be overcome for peaceful unification. I will present the direction of future inter-Korean broadcasting exchanges and the policy implementation tasks, so that this abnormal situation will be overcome in the future. 6ㆍ15 선언을 전후한 시기, 짧게나마 우리는 남북방송교류를 한 적이 있다. 2018년 판문점선언으로 그동안 중단되었던 남북방송교류는 이제 다시 활성화될 듯하다. 그러나 그사이 방송환경도 북한의 상황도 많이 달라졌다. 이젠 과거의 경험을 토대로 새로운 방향을 설정할 때이다. 남북방송교류는 방송분야에서의 남북교류이다. 남북방송교류의 주체는 남북에서 각각 방송체계를 구성하는 사람들이다. 남북교류에서 그 주체는 원래 주민이지 국가가 아니다. 한편 남북방송교류는 법적으로 특수하고 잠정적인 남북관계 속에서 진행된다. 그리고 민족공동체통일방안은 통일국가이전에 남과 북의 주민들이 민족공동체라는 이름의 사회공동체로 통합될 것을 상정한다. 남북방송교류는 평화통일이라는 국가적 과제를 실현하는 과정에서 중요한 기능을 할 수 있다. 남북합의서에 따르면, 남북방송교류는 사회문화교류의 일환이다. 방송은 대중문화의 매체이다. 방송은 남과 북의 주민을 대중이라는 집단으로 통합할 수도 있고, 문화적 기호를 공유하게도 할 수 있다. 그래서 남북방송교류는 민족공동체를 문화적으로 통합하는 데 중요한 역할을 할 것이다. 한편 그 내용은 남북방송교류를 주도하는 방송체계에서 자율적으로 형성되어야 한다. 이미 헌법은 문화국가원리와 방송의 자유를 보장함으로써 남북방송교류에 있어서도 그 자율성을 보장한다. 평화통일이라는 국가적 과제를 위하여 국가와 법이 할 일은 자율적인 남북방송교류를 보장하고 적절히 지원하는 것이다. 다만 정전상황이라는 남북관계의 특수성이 그 자율성을 제약하고 있다. 이것도 평화통일을 위해 극복해야 할 국가적 과제이다. 앞으로 이 비정상적인 상황이 극복될 수 있기를 기대하며, 향후 남북방송교류의 발전방향과 정책적인 실천과제를 제시해 본다.

평화를 목적으로 갈등의 자리 마련하기 -분쟁의 관점에서 바라보는 남북관계-

오주연 한국역사교육학회 2024 역사교육연구 Vol.- No.50

본 글은 남북관계를 통일을 당위적으로 여기는 분단으로 보는 시각을 넘어 남북 간 갈등 관계에 초점을 맞춘 분쟁적 관점에서 바라볼 것을 제안한다. 분쟁을 평화로운 상태로 전환하기 위해서는 북한을 바라보는 관점과 통일에 대한 접근방식을 재고해야 하며, 이는 안보적 평화관이 아닌 상호 존중을 통해 공존의 가능성을 마련하는 평화관이 토대가 될 때 가능하다. 국가 담론에서는 종종 통일이 동북아시아 평화의 상징으로 제시되지만, 그 평화는 역사적 배경에서 비롯된 국가 성장과 강력한 군사력을 기반으로 하는 안보 중심의 사고에 머물러 있다. 남한 정부의 통일관은 남북대화를 통해 북한의 변화를 유도하여 통일에 이르고자 한다. 하지만 이러한 통일관은 국가 수립의 정당성과 법적 기반이 서로에 대한 적대에 있으며 각자의 체제에 의한 통일을 지향한다는 근본적인 문제가 있다. 이와 같은 통일관이 계속되는 한 남북대화만으로는 평화에 이를 수 없다. 이제는 남북의 평화와 통일을 당위적으로 여기는 기존의 시각을 전환하여, 남북관계를 두 국가 간 갈등 관계로 보고 평화롭게 해결할 수 있는 다양한 방법을 염두에 두어야 한다. 분단이 한반도가 한때 하나였다는 기억에 기반한다면, 분쟁적 관점은 현재의 문제 해결에 초점을 맞추고 두 국가 관계에서도 평화를 만들어 나갈 수 있는 가능성을 배우고 익힐 것을 주문한다. 남북의 갈등과 변화를 반영한 보다 현실적인 남북관계 논의를 다룸으로써 남북갈등을 둘러싼 복잡한 시각과 입장을 제고할 수 있는 교육의 변화가 필요한 때다. This paper proposes a shift in perspective on inter-Korean relations, moving away from a view that aims for unification as an inevitability based on division, and instead advocating for a conflictual perspective that focuses on the conflicts between the two Koreas. To transform this conflict into a peaceful state, we must rethink our approach to North Korea and unification. This can only be achieved when the peace perspective is based not on security but on mutual respect, which fosters the possibility of coexistence. In national discourse, unification is often presented as a symbol of peace in Northeast Asia, but that peace remains stuck in a security-centered mindset, rooted in national growth and military power derived from historical contexts. The South Korean government's view of unification aims to induce changes in North Korea through inter-Korean dialogue to achieve unification. However, this unification policy has a fundamental problem: the legitimacy and legal basis of each state's establishment are rooted in hostility towards each other, and each seeks unification based on its own system. As long as this unification policy persists, inter-Korean dialogue alone cannot lead to peace. It is now time to shift away from the conventional view that peace and unification on the Korean Peninsula are imperative, and instead view inter-Korean relations as a conflict between two states and consider various ways to resolve it peacefully. If division is based on the memory that the Korean Peninsula was once one, then a conflictual perspective focuses on solving current problems and learning how to create peace even in a relationship between two states. It is time for a change in education that addresses more realistic discussions on inter-Korean relations, reflecting the conflicts and changes on the Korean Peninsula, thereby promoting diverse perspectives and positions surrounding inter-Korean conflicts.

최근 북한 사회보장법제의 변화와 남북협력 대비 법적 과제 - 북한 헌법과 사회보험 및 사회보장법 분석을 중심으로 -

신유리 국민대학교 법학연구소 2026 법학논총 Vol.38 No.3

본 논문은 2020년대 이후 북한이 사회보장 영역 전반에서 법제 정비를 집약적으로 추진하는 현상에 주목하여, 그 규범구조와 법적 성격을 북한 헌법 및 2021년 「사회보험 및 사회보장법」 분석을 중심으로 검토하고, 남북협력 및 통일 대비 법제 설계의 과제를 도출한다. 북한 사회주의헌법은 물질문화생활 보장, 무상치료제, 노동능력 상실자 및 무부양 노인·어린이에 대한 물질적 방조 등을 선언하지만, 사회보장을 독립된 기본권으로 체계화하지 않으며 급부청구권의 요건·범위·구제 절차를 헌법 차원에서 명확히 구성하지 않는다. 이에 본 논문은 사회보장 규범이 권리보장 체계로 작동하는지, 아니면 국가가 급부의 범위와 대상을 조직·배분하는 통치적 배분질서로 기능하는지를 핵심 분석틀로 설정하였다. 김정은 시기 법제 변화는 헌법 규범의 질적 전환이라기보다 법률 및 부문법 차원의 통합과 세분화를 통해 사회보장·보건·방역·노동 등 분산된 규율 영역을 구조적으로 결합하는 방향에서 나타난다. 특히「사회보험 및 사회보장법」은 사회보험과 사회보장을 통합하고 보험료 부과·징수, 급부 지불, 노동능력 의학감정, 지도·감독 및 제재 규정을 체계화함으로써 사회보장 영역을 행정·재정 통제체계 내부로 심화 편입시킨다. 다만 급부요건과 급부수준의 상당 부분이 행정기관의 기준 설정에 위임되어 있고 불복·구제 메커니즘이 체계적으로 구성되어 있지 않다는 점에서, 권리규범으로의 전환보다는 배분·통제 규범으로서의 성격이 우세함을 확인하였다. 또한 특구법제는 사회보장 규범이 특구의 관리 목적에 따라 기능적으로 변형·축소되는 구조를 보여준다. 이에 따라 남북협력 및 통일 대비 법제 설계는 북한 사회보장 규범의 권리성을 전제로 한 일방적 이식이 아니라, 특구에서의 최소 사회보장 기준 설정과 공동 운영 구조를 중심으로 한 단계적·기능적 협력 원리에 기초하여 추진될 필요가 있다. 본 논문은 북한 사회보장법제를 권리보장이 아닌 규범구조와 통치 기능의 관점에서 재구성함으로써, 최근 법제 정비의 체제적 의미와 협력·통합 설계의 법정책적 함의를 제시한다. This study examines the recent consolidation of North Korea’s social security legislation since the 2020s, focusing on its normative structure and legal character through an analysis of the Socialist Constitution and the 2021 Law on Social Insurance and Social Security, and derives implications for legal design in the context of inter-Korean cooperation and future legal integration. While the Socialist Constitution repeatedly declares the state’s obligation to guarantee material and cultural well-being, universal free medical care, and material assistance to persons who have lost their ability to work, the elderly without caregivers, and children, it does not systematize social security as an independent fundamental right, nor does it clearly establish, at the constitutional level, the requirements, scope, and remedial procedures associated with individual entitlement to benefits. Accordingly, this study adopts as its analytical framework the question of whether social security norms operate as a system of rights protection or function primarily as a governing distributive order through which the state organizes and allocates benefits. Legal developments under the Kim Jong-un regime are characterized less by a qualitative transformation at the constitutional level than by legislative integration and structural consolidation across sectoral laws, linking previously fragmented regulatory domains such as social security, public health, epidemic control, and labor administration. In particular, the Law on Social Insurance and Social Security integrates social insurance and social security within a unified statutory framework and institutionalizes mechanisms for contribution collection, benefit disbursement, medical assessment of work incapacity, and administrative supervision and sanctions, thereby incorporating social security more deeply into the state’s administrative and fiscal control structure. However, because key elements—including eligibility criteria and benefit levels—are largely delegated to administrative determination, and because systematic appeal and remedial mechanisms remain underdeveloped, the system exhibits stronger characteristics as a regulatory framework of state-controlled allocation rather than as a rights-based entitlement regime. Furthermore, the legal framework governing special economic zones demonstrates that social security norms are subject to functional modification and restriction in accordance with the regulatory objectives of special administrative regimes. Consequently, legal design for inter-Korean cooperation and future integration should not assume the existence of rights-based social security entitlements in North Korea, but instead should proceed through a staged and functional approach centered on establishing minimum social security standards and institutionalized cooperative administrative mechanisms. By reconstructing North Korea’s social security system from the perspective of normative structure and governance function rather than formal rights protection, this study elucidates the systemic implications of recent legislative developments and identifies key legal policy considerations for future cooperation and integration.

통일법제 연구 현황과 향후 과제

박정원 법무부 통일법무과 2010 統一과 法律 Vol.- No.1

최근 북한의 법제와 남북통일법제에 관한 연구는 학문적 또는 실무적 차원에서 확대되어 왔다. 이는 한반도 상황의 변화에 의한 남북관계의 변화 분위기에 의해 조성되었으며, 이를 가능하게 하는 것은 북한의 대내외적 정책변화에 기인한다. 통일법제연구 성과를 모아 그 동향을 파악하여 성과를 분석한 다음 향후 과제에 대해 논의하는 것은 시의적절하다. 이를 위해 통일법제에 관한 그동안의 연구내용을 파악하기 위해 분야별로 그 동향을 살피고, 법제 분야별 성과를 파악해 봄으로써 통일법제 연구는 물론 그 실무적 접근에 있어 효과적인 접근을 가능하게 하고자 한다. 이를 통해 남북관계의 진전과 남북통합을 위한 법제도적 방안을 천착하여 나아가는 데에 있어 도움을 줄 수 있다. 본 연구에서 통일법제연구성과 분석하고 향후 연구방향과 과제를 살피는 것은 다음의 목적이 있다. 첫째, 기존의 북한법 및 남북관계법, 통일법 분야의 연구성과를 학술적 차원은 물론 정책 및 실무차원에서의 현황파악을 위한 기초자료로서의 활용방안을 높이고 무엇보다 남북통합을 위한 법제도적 준비와 대비를 위한 학술차원의 연구는 물론 그 정책적 접근을 위한 기반을 조성하는 데에 기여하기 위함이다. 둘째, 대북정책의 수립과 추진과정에서 남북통합의 문제가 현실적인 과제로서 점차 중요성이 더해지고 있는 상황에서 남북관계전개에 따른 법제도분야의 연구는 물론 실질적인 부문에서 정책적 활용도를 높이고, 대북정책의 구체적 대안을 마련하는 데에 필요한 학술적 실무적 기여도를 높이기 위한 법제 거버넌스의 활성화를 위한 실질적 자료로서의 가치를 높이기 위한 것이다. 셋째, 기존 북한법제 및 남북교류협력법제, 분단국가의 통합법제와 통일법제 등에 관한 연구성과를 분석하되, 변화되는 남북관계의 환경변화에 대응한 법제도적 수요를 파악하고 그 대안을 제시하는 데에 기여하고자 한다. 남북통합 내지 통일을 위한 상황으로 크게 평시와 위기시로 나누어 논급하되, 통일준비단계, 남북교류협력단계, 통일성숙단계, 통일완성단계의 시기별로 나누어 각 단계별 법제도의 대응방안의 연구성과를 분석한다. 이의 분석에서 각 단계별 북한법제의 이해와 분석이 이루어지고 북한법제부문의 경우 각 분야별 법제에 대한 분석과 남북 간 분야별 법제비교 등을 통한 법제이해를 위한 연구성과를 분석한다. 논의의 범위를 보면, 남북교류협력단계에서는 남북 간 상호 대응법령, 남북관계에 관한 법령에 대한 분석이 이루어지고, 북한법의 경우 외국인투자법제, 대외경제법제, 경제특구법제 등에 대한 분석한다. 통일성숙단계에서는 남북 간 합의서, 남북통합에 대비한 법제정비방안, 남북 간 상호 협력법제의 분석, 한반도의 평화정착을 위한 법제도적 분석을 포함한다. 통일완성단계의 경우 통일헌법의 성안과 내용에 대한 분석을 토대로 각분야의 법제통합방안을 분석하며, 특히 북한의 비상사태 내지 급변사태에 대비한 법제도연구부문을 검토한다. 아울러 분단국가 및 통일국가의 법통합사례와 체제전환국가의 법제도개혁사례를 분석하여 우리에게 주는 교훈과 시사점을 도출하고자 한다. 기존 및 미래지향적인 통일대비 법제도분야 연구, 협력 및 지원체제에 대한 현황과 문제점을 도출하고, 이를 토대로 향후 남북통합에 대비한 단계별 정책적 과제와 방향을 제시하고자 한다. Recently, it was magnified the study on North Korean laws and a unified legislation of the south and north Korea from academic and practical dimension. This is created the atmosphere in compliance with the change of the inter-Korean relations in accordance with the change of situation in Korean Peninsula, and originates to the domestic and foreign shift in policy of North Korea. It is right and appropriate time to review about a results and trends of a unified legislation. This study leads the development of inter-Korean relations, advances the integration of the two Koreas by finding legal and institutional ways. The purpose of the study is to followings; First, it is contribute to create a base for academic and political approaches to prepare a united Korea, to raise the application plan as the fundamental data for the present condition grasp from of course policy and practical dimension. Second, as the subject where the importance is coming to be more gradually follows in inter-Korean relations development the research of field of course, the study raising the practical coherence which is necessary to the concrete alternative of the policy to North Korea, a politic application degree from the section which is substantial, prepares the governance to legislation for raising the value as the substantial data for the activation. Third, the study look to trend of the study on the existing North Korean laws and laws related to inter-Korean relationship and affairs, analyzes a result of research, grasps the demand of legaislation which confronts in environmental change of the inter-Korean relations. It can be classified with two times widely peace and crisis in the situation of integration or unification in South and North Korea, and crisis time divides four stages; these are stages of unifying preparation, exchange and cooperation of inter-Korea, unifying maturity and unifying completion. Moreover it analyzes the research result of each stage in legal confrontation plan. On the base of the above, it defines the scope of discussion of the South and North Korean legislation as followings; First, it analyzes its confronted legislation each other, laws related to inter-Korean relationship in the stage of inter-Korean exchange and cooperation, especially foreign investment laws, laws for open economic policy, laws relating special economic zone, etc. Second, it concluded inter-Korean agreements, legislative maintenance plan confronting unfication, analysis of cooperative legislation each part, and legislation for peace settlement of Korean peninsula in the stage of unifying maturity. Third, it can be analyzed each field unifying laws in the basis of the analysis of establishment and contents of a unified constituion of Korea, especially investigated confronting emergency or urgent attention in North Korea in the stage of unifying completion. In addition, the study explores good lessons and suggestions which can be taken in the light of the integrated laws of the divided nation, some unification nations like Germany, Yemen, the relation of China and Taiwan, and legal reformation for transition of state system like Mongolia, laws relating to foreign investment and open policy in China, Vietnam, and so on. We will review the present conditions and problems on cooperative and support system of existing and future also laws relating to unifying preparation which is aimful. And then on the basis of the above, we may suggest the political issues and direction prepare to Korean unification in legal aspect.

Let's Build A New World Order: Tripartite Dynamics of Inter-State System, World Capitalist Economy, and Global Civil Society

Suk-Ki Kong,Hyun-Chin Lim 한국사회학회 2011 韓國社會學 Vol.45 No.6

This paper intends to focus on various types of transnational challenges and resistances deployed by transnational actors to oppose undemocratic globalization process. With the new framework of tripartite dynamics among Inter-State System (ISS), World Capitalist Economy (WCE), and Global Civil Society (GCS), it highlights under what theoretical conditions the new framework can be developed with focusing on theoretical convergence between international relation and social movement theories. Social movement organizations, an agent of GCS not only take two positions as a challenger or a competitor to the ISS and the WCE but also play a brokerage role among the tripartite dynamics. Arguably this new tripartite relationship of ISS, WCE, and GCS not only highlights how states still matter for the politics of taming and guiding the neoliberal economic globalization in a democratic way but also show how GCS can influence ISS and WCE as a challenger, competitor, and collaborator.

부유식 해상풍력 단지의 현수식(Suspendedtype) 내부망 설계 연구

임지수,고혁준,신영훈 한국풍력에너지학회 2026 풍력에너지저널 Vol.17 No.1

This study evaluates the design and performance of a suspended inter-array cable (IAC) for a three-turbine 15 MW floating offshore wind farm in the Ulsan region of Korea. A numerical model incorporating the turbine, floater, dynamic power cables, and related components was developed, and site-specific environmental conditions were applied to the design. Cable length, buoy count, and spacing were selected as design variables, while sea-surface and seabed clearance, minimum breaking load, and minimum bend radius were defined as constraints. Using the proposed IAC design procedure, 472 design candidates were assessed, and a final configuration that satisfies all constraints under marine growth and multiple environmental directions was identified. In addition, an accidental limit state analysis assuming single mooring line failure showed that tension may exceed the minimum breaking load or curvature limits may be violated depending on the failure location. These results provide useful guidance for preliminary inter-array cable design and highlight the need for additional safety measures in mooring line failure scenarios.

사고 실험으로서의 ‘분단체제’ 연구

유희석 한국사회과학연구회 2020 동향과 전망 Vol.- No.108

이 글의 목적은 대학에서 ‘분단체제’를 연구하는 학문적 방식의 한계와 가능성을 탐문하는 데 있다. 인/문학 특유의 상상력을 한껏 키우고 비판적 성찰의 자세를가다듦으로써 분단체제론의 사상적 유산을 탈/지역학으로서의 ‘한반도학(韓半 島學)’으로 발전시킬 수 있는 방안을 찾고자 하는 것이다. 그러한 탐문과 방안의모색은 기본적으로 기존 분과학문들의 경계를 넘어서는 것을 전제한다. 동시에 엄밀한 논리를 세우면서도 상상력의 자유로운 발동을 요구하는 ‘사고 실험’이라는 발상에 모색의 근거를 둔다. 한반도의 분단이 대학의 현장에서 실제로 어떻게연구되고 있는가를 점검하면서 양국체제론의 허실을 파고드는 작업도 그러한 사고 실험의 일환이다. 분단체제가 이완을 거듭하면서 남과 북이 제각각 새로운 고비를 맞고 있는 현재, 기존 분단체제론의 분투를 오늘의 한반도 현실에 비추어 계승하면서 ‘비판적 한반도학’을 최대한 자유롭게 상상하고 엄밀하게 구상하는인문학적 훈련이 절실함을 결론으로 제시한다. This paper aims to envision a scholarly project that intends to incorporate division system discourse into a kind of transdisciplinary studies on the Korean Peninsular. Through the enhancement of the imaginative power inherent in the traditional humanities and also through bracing up its critical spirit, this paper suggests a possibility of creating a liaisonᐨcenter that can synthesize anew the discourse of Korean Studies and North Korean Studies into a trans/area study specific to the Korean Peninsula. This investigative approach basically presupposes intense deconstruction of the boundaries of the compartmentalized disciplines in universities. At the same time, it seeks to take advantage of a thought experiment as a discoursive strategy that demands rigorous logic as well as a free play of imagination. Going over the course syllabi concerning the subject of division of the Korean Peninsula, while probing into the problems of the theory of TwoᐨState System, is one of the avenues of executing thought experiments. In the midst of repeated dual rhythm of escalating and easing of the tension of division system that drives South and North Korea to constant crisis, this thesis comes forth with a conclusion: the humanistic discipline is quintessential in making the most of the insights of discourse of division system and thereby embodying, in light of the realities of the intraᐨKorean relationship, a lowᐨstage commonwealth of South and North in the exact and ingenious way.

지구시민사회의 작동원리와 한국 사회운동의 초국적 동원전략

임현진(Hyun Chin Lim),공석기(Sukki Kong) 한국사회학회 2006 韓國社會學 Vol.40 No.2

본 논문은 전지구화와 민주화의 불완전한 결합현상에 대한 대응과정을 살펴보기 위해 비국가 행위자(non state actors)가 초국적으로 전개하고 있는 다양한 도전과 저항과정에 초점을 맞추었다. 특히 협의의 초국적 사회운동 조직들의 초국적 연대활동을 주목하고, 이들의 운동양식을 갈등의 국가간 국제체제, 경쟁의 자본주의 세계경제, 그리고 협력의 지구시민사회라는 세가지 이론적 분석틀에 적용하였다. 초국적 사회운동은 국가간 국제체제 및 자본주의 세계경제 체제에 대한 도전 및 경쟁자의 역할을 담당하는 동시에 지구시민사회의 토대를 강화하는 특징을 보인다. 이러한 논의를 한국의 환경과 인권운동 진영의 초국적 확장과정에 적용하였다. 비록 한국의 초국적 연대활동 노력은 다양한 장애물의 영향으로 아직 성숙한 단계에 이르지는 못했지만, 두 운동진영은 초국적 동원전략 및 초국적 영역의 중요성을 인식하면서 그 운동영역, 전략, 운동프레임 및 대상을 전지구적으로 접목시키고자 노력하고 있다. This article intends to focus on various types of transnational challenges and resistances deployed by ‘Non?state Actors’ involved in the incomplete combining process between democratization and globalization. By narrowing down the actors into ‘transnational social movement organizations’(TSMOs) in particular, we try to apply varying transnational and local linkages carried by both transnational and local SMOs to three theoretical frameworks including Inter?State System(ISS), World Capitalist Economy(WCE), and Global Civil Society(GCS). Ideally the frameworks respectively represent conflicting, competitive, and collaborative relationship in world politics. Arguably TSMOs not only take two positions as a challenger or a competitor to the ISS and the WCE regime but also brokering role should be applicable to the developing process of the Korean social movements. This we chose environment and human rights movement sectors and tried to explore how they understand and carry out their activism along the three roles in terms of transnational mobilization. We find out that both movement sectors recognized a significant necessity of extending transnational activism and participating in transnational public sphere to learn, understand, and apply new issues, tactics, frames and targets, even though each movement sector is still struggling with various obstacles.