淸末 新政期 東三省의 법원 체제 구축과 그 특징

조병식 중국근현대사학회 2025 중국근현대사연구 Vol.106 No.-

This article investigates the development of judicial reform in the Three Northeastern Provinces (Dongsansheng) during the late Qing dynasty's New Policy(Xinzheng) period, focusing on the establishment of the Judicial Bureaus (Tifasi) and Courts (Shenpanting). The aim is to supplement existing research, which has largely centered on Fengtian, by conducting a comparative analysis of Fengtian, Jilin, and Heilongjiang. Through this approach, the study seeks to comprehensively examine how regional conditions influenced the formation of court systems in each province. Following the Qing government’s designation of the Three Northeastern Provinces as pilot regions for the new judicial system, each province initiated preparatory efforts for establishing trial courts. Initially, a Judicial Bureau was installed in each province as the provincial-level judicial-administrative agency, taking the lead in organizing the new court system. At the same time, due to practical limitations, this bureau also assumed the functions of the traditional Judicial Commissioner(Anchasi). While the Judicial Bureau directed the establishment of the courts, clear provincial differences emerged based on factors such as the level of support from the central government, availability of human and financial resources, and the existence of institutional foundations. Fengtian, with substantial backing from the central government, was able to establish a relatively comprehensive judicial structure in a short period. In contrast, Jilin and Heilongjiang developed more limited systems due to resource constraints. Although all three provinces pursued the common goal of building a modern court system, the actual implementation varied significantly depending on the political, economic, and social circumstances of each province. This highlights the importance of considering regional diversity in studies of late Qing and early modern Chinese judicial reform.

중국 흑룡강성 조선족기업의 경영활동에 관한 연구

이장섭 한국동북아학회 2011 한국동북아논총 Vol.16 No.1

Heilongjiang Province is the area that make up half of the total investment to Russia of China. And South Korea is also as the second trade partner with Heilongjiang Province. Heilongjiang Province-South Korea trade amounted to $500 million. And There are 400,000 Chinese-Korean reside in Heilongjiang Province, it reached 20% of the total population. In Heilongjiang Province, there are about 1200 Korean companies and 2000 Chinese Korean companies. Even so, There was few research about business activity of Heilongjiang Province's Chinese-Korean. So the purposes of this study was bring out the important policy and practical plan of construction of Economic Community of Korean Nationality, to wit, construction of World Korean Business Network by analyzing the business activity of Heilongjiang Province's Chinese-Korean. And to create effects of exploit and expand Chinese domestic market by way of the construction of the kind of network. With this in mind, it had done a questionnaire base on a sample of 53 Chinese-Korean entrepreneurs reside in Harbin and Mudanjiang city. And in order to grasping of business activity of Chinese-Korean entrepreneurs and presentation of their growth, the comparison which between the questionnaire and the research result of 'World Korean Business Culture Research Group'(2005) was presented. According to the comparison, the Korean-Chinese company has made rapid progress than 5 years ago. This progress can be summarized as the number of private company has increased drastically. Compared with the research result of 'World Korean Business Culture Research Group'(2005), some differences can be found by in settlement of inadequate fund, open up an outlet, new products development and improvement, E-business, bank credit, staffing training and development, compensation and employee relations, consumer behavior research and so on. Although this paper has some limitations, by researching the business activity of Heilongjiang Province's Chinese-Korean, it will be helpful to the construction of Chinese-Korean Network. 흑룡강성은 중국의 대 러시아 무역액의 절반이상을 차지하는 지역이며 또한 한국은 흑룡강성의 2위 무역 상대국으로서 수출입총액 만도 5억 달러에 이른다. 게다가 흑룡강성에는 중국에 거주하는 조선족의 20% 정도인 약 40만 명의 조선족이 거주하고 있으며 한국투자기업은 1,200여개, 조선족기업은 2,000여개 정도가 경영활동을 하고 있다. 이렇듯 한국과 중국 흑룡강성 한인사회와의 교류가 활발하고 다양한 네트워크가 구축되어 있는데도 불구하고 흑룡강성 조선족기업에 대한 연구가 전무한 실정이다. 따라서 본 연구의 목적은 흑룡강성 조선족기업의 경영활동 분석을 통해 한민족경제공동체인 세계한상네트워크 구축에 중요한 정책적·실무적 시사점을 제공함으로서 흑룡강성 조선족기업과 중국진출 한국기업 및 한국에 있는 기업과의 네트워크 구축을 통해서 중국내수시장을 개척 또는 확장하는데 시너지효과를 창출하는 것이다. 이를 위해 하얼빈시(哈尔滨市), 목단강시(牡丹江市)등 흑룡강성에서 경영활동을 하는 53명의 조선족 기업가들을 대상으로 설문조사를 통해서 자료를 수집 분석하였다. 또한 흑룡강성 조선족 기업의 경영실태 파악과 성장가능성을 제시하기 위해서 세계한상연구단조사(2005)와 비교하여 분석결과를 제시하였다. 제시된 결과에 의하면 흑룡강성 조선족기업은 5년 전 세계한상연구단조사와 비교하여 진일보한 모습을 보였다. 즉 사영독자기업이 더 늘어났으며, 자금부족과 사업확장 및 판로개척이 급선무이고 신제품 개발 및 기존제품 개량, 인터넷활용, 은행대출, 인건비 상승, 필요한 인력의 특별채용, 종업원에 대한 교육훈련의 필요성, 소비자의 수요동향 파악, 홈페이지 보유 및 관리 등 경영활동 변화와 성장에 의한 다른 경영활동을 보임으로서 몇 가지 정책적인 시사점들을 발견할 수 있었다. 본 연구는 여러 가지 한계에도 불구하고 흑룡강성 조선족기업만의 경영실태조사를 통하여 중국한상네트워크 구축에 일조하였다는데 의미를 가질 수 있겠다.

淸 康熙 연간 알바진 원정과 黑龍江 지방의 교통로 개척

고석현 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 역사문화연구소 2022 역사문화연구 Vol.82 No.-

Today, Manchuria which includes Heilongjiang Province of the People’s Republic of China is generally perceived as the territory of Qing before “entering the pass(ruguan).” However, this is a misconception coming from connecting the modern geographical idea of Manchuria with the home of the Manchus, the ruling group of the Qing Dynasty. In fact, the base of Nurhaci’s native group, Jianzhou Jurchen, was the north of Changbai Mountain and the east of Liaodong Peninsula. Even if the regional bases of the Jurchens were combined, the region was limited to the southern part of Manchuria. ‘The military district of Heilongjiang general’ was established in the Amur-Nun River basin and the direct rule of the Qing Dynasty began in 1680s, along the conflict with Russia. Qing court established military bases and traffic routes mainly around Willow Palisade(liutiaobian) until the 1670s, and there were only few temporary bases outside Willow Palisade such as Ninguta. The direct territory of Qing was expanded in the 1670s due to the development of Jilin and the establishment of New Willow Palisade(xinbian), but the vast Amur-Nun River basin, the northern area of Mukden-Jilin-Ninguta, was still regarded as one of ‘the outer feudatories(waifan)’, which was not under the direct control of Qing. This situation changed in the 1680s when Russians built a fortress in Albazin, located on the upper middle Amur River basin. As Albazin grew into a self-sufficient stronghold, Kangxi emperor proceeded an expedition to drive the Russians out of the Amur River basin. The First and Second Albazin Expeditions, which were commanded by the newly established Heilongjiang general, ended with the conclusion of the Nerchinsk treaty in 1689. In this treaty, the military district of Heilongjiang general was recognized as Qing territory. Rather than the conduct of the war or the demarcation of borders, the expansion of Qing’s control over the region before and after the expedition was more important in terms of the formation of the military district of Heilongjiang general. Unlike the lower Amur and Songhua River basins, where Russians and Qing troops had conflict in the 1670s, the upper and middle Amur River basin did not have sufficient foundations to wage war in the 1680s. To mobilize a large army to attack Albazin, it was necessary to establish a Qing army garrison, and to develop supply routes for military provisions and postal relay routes for manpower and information. Kangxi emperor first dispatched officials to conduct a geography survey on the upper and middle Amur River basin. In addition, supply routes and postal relay routes were constructed, connecting Aihūn with the areas previously controlled by the Qing, such as Mukden and Jilin. The Qing court’s geographical understanding of the Amur-Nun River basin gradually deepened as a banner garrison(Zhufang) was installed in Mergen, which was confirmed to be important in the process of constructing the postal relay system. The Amur-Nun River basin changed from one of the outer feudatories, which had only a loose relationship with Qing court, to ‘the military district of Heilongjiang general’, a ‘direct territory’ governed by a Garrison General of Qing. 일반적으로 오늘날 중화인민공화국의 헤이룽장성[黑龍江省]을 포함하는 만추리아 전체가 入關 이전부터 청조의 영토였을 것이라는 인식이 존재한다. 하지만 이는 만추리아라는 근대적 지리 개념을 청조의 지배집단인 만주의 고향과 연결한 데에서 온 착시이다. 실제로 누르하치의 출신 집단인 建州女眞 숙수후부의 거점은 長白山 이북, 명의 遼東邊墻 이동 지역이었다. 건주여진을 포함한 여진계 집단의 근거지를 모두 합한다 하여도 그 지역은 만추리아의 남부에 국한되었다. 아무르강-눈강 유역에 ‘黑龍江將軍 관할구’가 설치되고 청의 직할지로서의 지배가 시작된 것은 1680년대 러시아와의 충돌 과정에서였다. ‘흑룡강장군 관할구’가 형성되기 이전 청조가 장악하고 있던 만추리아의 지역은 요동을 중심으로 하였다. 1670년대까지도 청조의 군사 거점・교통로 설치는 柳條邊 안을 중심으로 하였고, 닝구타와 같은 임시 거점이 유조변 밖에 일부 존재하였을 뿐이었다. 1670년대 길림 개발과 유조변 신변의 설치로 청의 직할지가 확장되었으나 여전히 성경-길림-닝구타를 잇는 선 북쪽의 광활한 아무르강-눈강 유역은 청의 직접 통치가 미치지 않는 ‘外藩’으로 존재하고 있었을 뿐이었다. 이러한 상황은 1680년대에 러시아 세력이 아무르강 중상류 유역 알바진(Albazin)에 요새를 건설하면서 변화하였다. 알바진이 자급자족이 가능한 거점으로 성장하자 강희제는 러시아 세력을 아무르강 유역에서 완전히 몰아내기 위한 원정을 진행하였다. 신설 흑룡강장군을 중심으로 전개된 두 차례의 알바진 원정은 강희 28년(1689) 네르친스크 조약의 체결로 마무리되었다. 이 조약에서 흑룡강장군 관할구는 명실상부 청의 영토로 인정받았다. 다만 흑룡강장군 관할구의 형성이라는 측면에서, 전쟁의 수행이나 국경의 획정보다 중요한 것은 이를 전후한 시기 진행된 해당 지역에 대한 청의 통치권 확대 과정이었다. 1670년대 러시아 세력과의 격돌이 있었던 아무르강 중하류 및 송화강 유역과는 달리, 아무르강 중상류 유역은 당시 청군이 전쟁을 수행하기 위한 기반이 충분히 구축되어 있지 않았다. 이에 대군을 동원하여 알바진을 공격하기 위해서는 청군의 주둔지를 설치하고, 군량을 운반하기 위한 보급로와 인력・정보를 전달하기 위한 역참로를 개척할 필요가 있었다. 강희제는 우선 관원을 파견해 아무르강 중상류 유역에 대한 지리 조사를 진행한 뒤 그 결과를 종합하여 아이훈에 駐防 설치를 명하였다. 또한 성경・길림 등 기존에 청조가 장악하고 있던 지역과 아이훈을 연결하는 보급로와 역참로를 개척하였다. 역참로 개척 과정에서 중요성을 확인한 머르건에도 주방을 설치하면서 아무르강-눈강 유역에 대한 청조의 지리적 이해는 점차 심화되었다. 군사 주둔지의 설치와 교통로 개척을 배경으로 청조의 해당 지역에 대한 이해는 심화되었고, 이를 계기로 아무르강-눈강 유역은 청조와 느슨한 관계만을 맺고 있던 ‘外藩’에서 청조의 주방 장군이 직접 통치하는 ‘直轄地’인 ‘黑龍江將軍 관할구’로 변화하였던 것이다.

중국 흑룡강성의 총요소 에너지효율성 추정

박창수(Changsuh Park),구기보(Ki-bo Ku),손기(Qi Sun) 영남대학교 중국연구센터 2017 중국과 중국학 Vol.- No.31

중국의 경제가 빠르게 성장함에 따라 에너지 수요는 날로 증가하고 있다. 중국 흑룡강성은 중국의 전통적 공업 기지에 해당한다. 특히 제조업 비중은 흑룡강성 전체의 절반 이상을 차지하고 있다. 오랫동안 흑룡강성의 공업 발전은 주로 천연자원과 에너지의 소비에 의존하여 왔다. 이에 따라 흑룡강성의 제조업은 에너지 다소비의 산업 구조를 형성하였다. 본 논문은 중국 흑룡강성의 에너지 소비 자료를 이용하여 흑룡강성의 총요소 에너지 효율성을 추정하였다. 이를 위해 2006∼2014년 기간 동안 DEA 기법을 이용하여 흑룡강성 13개 지역의 총요소 에너지 효율성을 비교 분석하였다. 본 논문은 흑룡강성 13개 시(市)의 2006∼2014년 기간 동안의 자료를 이용하여 DEA 방법으로 총요소 에너지 효율성을 추정하였다. 그 결과에 의하면 2006년부터 2011년까지는 에너지 효율성이 상승하지만, 그 이후 완만하게 감소하는 추세를 보이고 있다. 그리고 시도별로 에너지 효율성의 정도를 살펴보면, 수확불변 하의 효율성은 Suihua만 1의 값을 갖고 있고 효율성 프런티어에 있음을 알 수 있다. 그리고 규모에 대한 수확 가변하에서는 Suihua, Heihe, Daqing가 에너지 효율성이 1이며, 마지막으로 규모의 효율성은 Suihua만 1의 값을 가진 것으로 나타났다. As Chinese economy has been growing fast, energy demand in China is increasing rapidly. Heilongjiang Province has been the old industrial base of China. Particularly, the ratio of manufacturing industry amounted to nearly half of the total Heilongjiang Province. Industrial development in this region has mostly relied on using natural resources and energy. Accordingly, Heilongjiang Province has developed the industrial structure of energy consumption. Using energy consumption data in China, this paper estimated the total factor energy efficiency(TFEE) in Heilongjiang Province. During the period of 2006-2014, the TFEE of Heilongjiang Province 13 regions were estimated by using the DEA technique. During the period of 2006∼2011, energy efficiency has been improved, but after 2012 it has showed the decreasing trend. When we analyze energy efficiency by region in Heilongjiang, energy efficiency under constant returns to scale of Suihua was 1, which implies this city is located on frontier. Furthermore, under variable returns to scale, Suihua, Heihe, and Daqing are on the frontier, and under scale efficiency, Suihua is on the frontier.

중국 동북진흥정책에 따른 흑룡강성 조선족기업네트워크 현황분석 및 활용방안

이장섭 ( Jang Sub Lee ) 조선대학교 동북아연구소 2011 동북아연구 Vol.26 No.1

The government of China has launched a policy to revitalize the economy of the three northeast provinces. Through exhibiting the implementation of this policy and the entrance of Korean business to the market of the three northeast provinces, this paper tries to grasp the features of Korean Chinese business network in Heilongjiang, and then to investigate the current utilization of networks. First, the most frequent utilized network for Korean Chinese is based on the geographical, business and matter relationship. Second, the cooperation between Korean Chinese business and Korean business invested in Heilongjiang is lower than the cooperation between Korean Chinese business in Heilongjiang and Korean Chinese business in other regions of China, and the survey result also shows that the cooperation content between Korean Chinese business and Korean business in Heilongjiang is mainly in the order of developing sales channel, technique cooperation and then business information exchange. Third, the cooperation between Korean Chinese business in Heilongjiang and the enterprise in Korea mainly lies in technique cooperation and the purchasing of raw and parts materials, and the survey on the satisfaction of the cooperation shows that the satisfaction rate was 36.4%, which is lower than the cooperation of Korean Chinese business in other regions of China. Fourth, depending on the solid construction of Korean Chinese business network, there is possibility for Korean business to take part in the program of developing the northeast three province, meanwhile enlarge Korean business market in China. In spite of varied limitations, this paper through surveying the network status of Heilongjiang, exhibits a great significance of the utilized networks in developing the northeast of China.

중국 흑룡강성의 한국 종교

윤용복 ( Yong Bok Yoon ) 한국종교문화연구소 2010 종교문화비평 Vol.17 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to study the present spreading situation of the Korean Religions in Heilongjiang Sheng(黑龍江省), one of the three Northeast provinces of China. Because of political, or economical reason, a lot of Korean people used to emigrate from Korea to Manchuria, located at the Northeast side of China. But the Koreans were settled in Heilongjiang Sheng, later than in other Northeast provinces. With the immigration of Koreans, the religions of Koreans also are propagated in this province. Differently with other Northeast provinces of China, because of the late propagation of the religions of Koreans, there had been the religious activities of Koreans from 1920`s in Heilongjiang Sheng. At that time the dominant religions of Koreans are Protestantism, Roman Catholicism, Daejonggyo, and Chondogyo, etc. Protestantism and Roman Catholicism were not Korean religions, but the religions of Koreans in China. The New Religions-Daejonggyo, and Chondogyo, etc-were obviously Korean religions. Currently there are many religions-Buddhism, Taoism, Eastern Orthodox, Protestantism, Catholicism, Islam etc.-in Heilongjiang Sheng. Among Korean religions, there are Protestantism and Catholicism in this area. The religions of Joseonjok(朝鮮族) in Heilongjiang Sheng also are mainly Protestantism and Catholicism. The greater part of Joseonjok Christians use churches separately with Hanjok. It is thought that whole religious populationin Heilongjiang Sheng increases steadily.

청말 길림-흑룡강 鑛務와 동북 국경 지역 지배 재편(1860~1911)

송인주 명청사학회 2023 명청사연구 Vol.- No.60

This paper attempts to investigate the relevance of the reorganization of the ruling system in the northeastern border area of the Qing Dynasty and the mining policy in the Jilin and Heilongjiang regions during the late Qing Dynasty (1860-1911). In late Qing period, the border area of Jilin and Heilongjiang faced a crisis due to the external advance of imperialist countries such as Russia and Japan, and internally, the illegal immigration of Korean refugees and Koreans. In response to these challenges, the Qing dynasty investigated the northeastern border and promoted ‘border demarcation’ work to reorganize the ruling system of the border zone. In the Qing Dynasty's work to determine the northeastern border, the development of mines in the border area was a very important task. This paper shows the mining policy in the Qing-Russian border area in the middle and upper reaches of the Heilongjiang River, including Mohe(漠河), and in the Qing-Choseon border area in the Tumen River area, including Hunchun(琿春) and Yanji(延吉), as examples. As gold mines were discovered in the mid-19th century in the middle and lower reaches of the Heilongjiang River, centered around Mohe, Russians and Han Chinese immigrants illegally mined gold and established autonomous governments in the area. In response, the Qing dispatched troops in the 1880s to expel the Russians and promoted mining development in earnest. At the same time, defenses were strengthened by installing karun (guard posts) and air defense stations in the Mohe gold mine area, and a new road network was built. Through these activities of the Qing Dynasty, the population of the Mohe area near the frontier of Heilongjiang area increased and urbanization and commercialization progressed, and the Qing Dynasty authorities strengthened administrative power by establishing states and counties such as Mohe cheng and Huma County in this area. The Mining policy was also promoted in connection with the Qing dynasty's border confirmation work in Hunchun and Yanji in the Tumen River basin, the border area between the Qing Dynasty and Joseon. In the case of the Tianbao Mountain(天寶山) silver mine in Yanji, a diplomatic dispute arose over mining interests as the ‘Gando Issue(間島問題)’ between the Qing Dynasty, Choseon, and Japan intensified. In the case of gold mines in the Hunchun East District, gold mine development was promoted in the process of responding to the Qing Dynasty's eastern border issues with Russia and the gold price issue. In order to protect its interests in the Tianbao Mountain(天寶山) mine, the Qing blockaded the Tianbao Mountain silver mine and pursued diplomatic negotiations with Japan. It also recruited the gold bandits forces in the gold mine area of Donggou(東溝) in Hunchun and strengthened its administrative and military power. Mines in the northeastern border area during the late Qing Dynasty were the cause of sensitive diplomatic disputes with Russia, Choseon, and Japan. However, it also served as an important stepping stone for the Qing dynasty to strengthen its control over the border region. In this respect, it can be said that the Mining policy in the northeastern border area in late Qing was not simply a means of economic development but a means of reorganizing the border governance system.

淸 康熙 연간 黑龍江將軍 관할구 駐防 건설 ― 솔론・다구르 등 원주 집단 재편을 중심으로 ―

고석현 명청사학회 2023 명청사연구 Vol.- No.59

The conclusion of the Nerchinsk treaty in 1689 meant the Amur River basin was publicly recognized as a part of Qing territory. But it did not mean the area had been a part of Manchu territory since Nurhaci and Hongtaiji. There were Qing dynasty’s expeditions to the Amur River basin before the 1680s. But these expeditions were aimed at capturing the population rather than territorial expansion. Moreover, most of the expeditions were aimed at middle and lower Amur River basin, and the expedition to the upper and middle Amur River basin was only conducted around 1639. The vast Amur-Nun River basin, the northern area of Mukden-Jilin-Ninguta, was still regarded as one of ‘the outer feudatories(waifan)’, which was not under the direct control of Qing. In the 1680s, when Russians built a fortress in Albazin, the indegenous groups in the upper and middle Amur River basins, such as Solon and Dagūr pled for military aid to Qing court. Kangxi emperor proceeded the expeditions to drive the Russians out of the Amur River basin. To secure troops for the Albazin Expeditions, parts of Solon and Dagūr was incorporated into the Eight Banners. Even after the Albazin Expeditions, Qing court continued to organize Solon, Dagūr and neighboring Sibe and Barhu to become the bannermen under Heilongjiang general and to be stationed at the banner garrisons such as Mergen and Cicigar. At the same time, Solon and Dagūr of Butha Niru, which was one of the outer feudatories and under the jurisdiction of Court of Colonial Dependencies(lifanyuan), became jurisdiction of the military district of Heilongjiang general. As a result, people living in the Amur-Nun River basin came under the jurisdiction of the military district of Heilongjiang general. The Amur-Nun River basin changed from one of the outer feudatories, which had only a loose relationship with Qing court, to ‘the military district of Heilongjiang general’, a ‘direct territory’ governed by a Garrison General of Qing.

동북진흥전략 배경하에서 흑룡강성 관광산업의 효율성 변화

왕뢰,정기영 산업진흥원 2024 산업진흥연구 Vol.9 No.3

중국 동북진흥전략의 시행과 함께 흑룡강성 관광산업은 지역 경제발전에 점점 더 큰 영향을 미치고 있다. 본 논문은 2005-2021년 흑룡강성 관광 패널데이터를 기반으로 DEA-BCC와 Malmquist Index를 사용하여 관광 산업의 정적 및 동적 변화를 분석하였다. 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. (1) 정적: OE 값은 2010년, 2013년 및 2019년에 DEA의 강력한 효과에 도달하여 관광 자원이 충분히 활용된 것으로 나타났다. SE 값은 0.354-1 사이에서 급격히 변하고, PTE 값은 1에 가까우며 OE는 주로 SE 변화의 영향을 받은 것으로 나타났다. (2) 동적: 총 요소 생산성(TFP)은 전체적으로 1보다 크고, 연평균 13.8%의 성장률을 보였다. TFP의 변동은 주로 기술진보지수에 의해 영향을 받았으며, 흑룡강성의 관광산업이 상대적으로 높은 수준의 개발 효율성을 보였으며, 자원개발에 기술을 충분히 활용하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 흑룡강성 관광산업은 향후 산업규모, 기술혁신 및 정책최적화에 중점을 두는 것이 적절할 것으로 보인다. With the implementation of the Northeast Revitalization Strategy, the tourism industry in Heilongjiang Province had an increasingly greater impact on regional economic development. Based on the tourism panel data of Heilongjiang Province from 2005 to 2021, this paper used DEA-BCC and Malmquist Index to analyze the static and dynamic changes of the tourism industry.The results of the study were as follows: (1) Static: The OE value reached strong DEA effectiveness in 2010, 2013, and 2019, indicated that tourism resources had been fully utilized. The SE value changed dramatically between 0.354 and 1, and the PTE value approached 1. OE was mainly affected by SE changes. (2) Dynamic: The total factor productivity(TFP) was overall greater than 1 and grew at an average annual rate of 13.8%. The variation in TFP was primarily influenced by the index of technological progress, indicated that the tourism industry in Heilongjiang Province made full use of technology for resource development, with a relatively high level of development efficiency. Therefore, the future focus of Heilongjiang Province's tourism industry will be on adjustments in industrial scale, technological innovation, and policy optimization.

흑룡강성 다우르어 지역사회 고찰

박련옥 한국알타이학회 2003 알타이학보 Vol.0 No.13

The Daur people are known as the earliest agricultural people among the Northern China Altaic minorities. Although there has been many competitive disciplines of the origin, the Daur people are thought to be the descendants of the Khitan not only by many scholars, but also by themselves. The Daur language is a member of Altaic Mongol linguistic group, and they have no written language of their own. Qiqihaer, Buteha, and Xinjiang are three dialects of Daur language, which are mutually intelligible. With a population of 42300 in Heilongjiang province, they mostly developed the habitual form of small communities. In this paper I classify into Daur and Non-Daur national community, specifically only Qiqihaer Daur community is focused here. The Daur community has a population of 31,566, which takes up to 74.62% of the whole population of heilongjiang Province. Moreover, in this community, Meilise Daur community is placed and includes communicative language community and supplementary language community. The pattern of Daur language use shows that roughly the age over 70 is most prominent user, the second age group 50-69 is the next one, followed by 30-49 group, and age 20 group of young Daur goes to the bottom. This survey also reveals that the higher the population density is, the lower the age group is represented, and vice versa. Finally this paper deals with how the Daur language is used and how they are recognized.