청 초기 팔기와 조선 무역

김선민 ( Seon Min Kim ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2014 사총 Vol.82 No.-

Since Nurhaci built his Manchu state, the Eight Banners of the Latter Jin served to be the political and economic ground for the Han’s family members, who were privileged to rule their banners as an independent lord. These enfeoffed banner lords (hosoi beile) made alliance for the Latter Jin state, reaching decisions for major political and military matters through discussions among them. Nurhaci tried to create a state in which the power of the supreme leader, the Han, was limited by other banner lords. It was the Assembly of Princes and High Officials (yizheng wang dachen huiyi) that Nurhaci built to realize his plan for the political alliance among the Eight Banners, an institution based on the political and economic privileges granted to the banner lords. The banners were limited the number of eight and inherited to sons of the banner lords on the principle of clan rule, therefore the Eight Banners were also called the “Eight Families” (ba jia). This paper explains the building process of the banners in the Latter Jin period, stressing that the Eight Banners were allowed to maintain their independent political powers based on the economic privileges granted by the Han. The expression “the eight portions” (ba fen) indicates this economic privilege given to the banner lords and junior lords in the Eight Banners. By examining the economic privilege included the eight portions, especially in the trade with the Choson, this paper shows that the Eight Banners were the principal unit to conduct the Choson trade and therefore their development was largely benefited from the commercial relationship with the Choson.

清 中期 만주족장의 니루(⽜錄) 관리

김준영 만주학회 2021 만주연구 Vol.- No.31

The Manchu communities operated increasingly on the periphery of the Eight Banners (administrative and military divisions under the Qing Dynasty), while the base social organizations coalesced around the Niru (⽜錄), the basic unit of Eight Banners. Amid these changes in social structure, the Niru held steadfast to maintaining a clan leader representing each Mukūn(穆昆)—including Zuoling (佐領)who headed Niru. Previous studies have investigated the roles and activities of Manchu clan leaders after enrollment in the Eight Banners, such as worship ceremonies, property management, genealogical writings, and adoption management. However, because the Manchu are Bannerman belonging to the Eight Banners, the dearth of studies related to their connections to the Eight Banners beyond their clanship leader roles remain academically problematic. Even previous studies often fail to differentiate clan leadership of the Han people (漢人)from the Manchu who organized as part of the Eight Banners. This paper used Qing Dynasty archives to analyze the characteristics that differentiated Han clan leaders and Manchu clan leaders’ public role in Niru. The results reveal that the Manchu clan leaders, unlike the Han, claimed appointment based on Qing Dynasty rules rather than through self-selection. The Qing Dynasty selected those at the highest clan positions as clan leaders. The Qing Dynasty valued the Manchu clan leader’s experiences and their management official duties as part of the Eight Banners at Niru. These duties served as evidence of leadership skills even before appointment as authorized officers. The positions came with ties to economic benefits that the clan members could enjoy in Eight Banners. 만주 공동체가 팔기를 중심으로 운영됨에 따라 기존 기층 사회조직은팔기의 기본 단위인 니루(niru, ⽜錄)를 중심으로 재편되었다. 이러한 사회구조 변화 속에 니루에는 니루의 수장인 좌령 이외에 각 무쿤을 대표하는 족장이 여전히 존재하였다. 팔기에 입적한 후 만주족장의 역할에대해 기존 연구는 주로 족보자료를 이용해 족장의 제사 주관, 재산 관리, 족보 편찬, 양자 문제 관리 등 족장의 종족 활동과 관련된 역할을 주로다루었다. 만주인은 모두 팔기(八旗)에 속한 기인(旗人)이기 때문에 족장의 역할에서 팔기와의 연관성을 배제할 수 없다. 그러나 이상 선행연구는 민인족장과의 차별성 및 팔기로 편성된 후 만주족장의 역할 변화를제대로 담아내지 못하였다. 본고는 청대 만·한문 당안을 주요 연구 자료로 활용하여 민인족장과 차별된 특징 및 만주족장이 니루에서 담당한 공적인 역할에 대해 연구하였다. 먼저 만주족장 선발에서 보이는 특징은 민인족장과 달리 종족 내부의자체적 결정이 아닌 청조의 규정에 따라 족인 중 관직이 높은 자를 족장으로 선발하였다는 점이다. 청조가 만주족장의 관직 경험을 중요시 한 이유는 족장이 니루에서 팔기의 공적 임무를 담당했기 때문이다. 만주족장이 니루에서 맡은 공적 임무로 그들은 정식 관원이 아니지만 팔기 관리들과 함께 역할에 대한 책임을 져야 했다. 또한 만주족장의 공적 임무는 족인이 팔기에서 누릴 수 있는 경제적 이득과 밀접한 연관이 있었다.

淸 乾隆年間 八旗漢軍 出旗 정책의 樣相과 그 영향 ― 出旗 허용 정책과 出旗 강제 정책의 분석을 중심으로 ―

황해윤 명청사학회 2017 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.47

본 논문은 乾隆 年間에 실시된 八旗漢軍 出旗 정책을 출기 허용 정책과 출기 강제 정책으로 나눈 뒤 그 영향을 분석한 글이다. 이와 관련된 기존 연구는 크게 세 가지 문제점이 있다. 첫째, 출기한 한군 기인의 수를 부정확하게 산출한 채 그 영향을 논하였다. 둘째, 출기 정책의 목표ㆍ시행 대상ㆍ실시 방법이 상이했던 출기 허용 정책과 출기 강제 정책 간의 차이에 주목하지 않았다. 셋째, 출기 정책의 실시를 전후하여 팔기한군에 발생한 변화를 살펴보는 데 주의를 기울이지 않았다. 이에 본 논문은 팔기한군 출기 정책과 관련된 정확한 통계를 바탕으로 각각의 출기 정책을 세분하여 그 영향을 밝히는 데 주안점을 두었다. 논의의 범주는 八旗 내 漢人 출신 기인 중 八旗漢軍 旗籍에 속한 자로 국한하였다. 순치~옹정 연간, 漢軍 旗人의 수가 지나치게 증가하여 官兵으로 복무하지 못하는 閑散 旗人의 수가 늘어났다. 기인의 경우 문무 관원이나 팔기 관병으로 근무하는 것 외에 다른 직업을 가질 수 없었다. 이로 인해 팔기한군 내 閑散 기인의 증가는 한군 기인의 생계 문제로 직결되었다. 건륭제는 이 문제를 해결하기위한 방안으로 한군 기인의 수 자체를 줄이는 방식을 택했다. 이후 건륭 말까지 京師와 駐防에서 팔기한군을 대상으로 출기 허용 혹은 출기 강제 정책이 시행되었다. 일반적으로 청이 중국 통일 전쟁을 수행한 기간에는 팔기한군이 비교적 높은 대우를 받은 것으로 알려져 왔다. 그러나 淸初부터 팔기한군의 지위는 팔기만주ㆍ팔기몽고ㆍ팔기한군 중 가장 낮았다. 이는 팔기한군의 몫으로 할당된 문무관원ㆍ팔기관병 직의 수가 그 규모에 비해 현격히 적었던 것을 통해 확인된다. 이러한 상황 속에서 인구 과잉 문제가 가장 심각했던 팔기한군을 대상으로 출기 정책이 시행된 것은 一見 자연스럽다. 단 청이 入關하기 이전부터 팔기에 속했던 한군 기인은 일반 한군 기인에 비해 우대를 받았다는 사실에 주목해야한다. 入關 한군 중에서도 엘리트 계층에 속한 자는 팔기만주나 팔기몽고 소속 엘리트 기인과 유사한 대우를 받았다. 팔기한군 내부의 이러한 계층 차이는 출기 허용 대상을 선정하는 데 영향을 미쳤다. 건륭 7년(1742)부터는 출기 허용 정책이 실시되었다. 이 정책은 팔기한군 내부의 인구 과잉 문제를 해결하기위해 기획되었으며 실시 초기에는 京師에서만 시행되었으나 후에 內地 駐防까지 확대되었다. 옹정 8년(1730과 건륭 3년(1738) 팔기한군의 兵額을 일부 늘려 일자리를 추가로 마련하기도 하였다. 하지만 한군 기인의 인구 증가 속도를 따라잡는 데는 역부족이었다. 출기 허용 정책은 자발적 출기를 허용하는 방식으로 진행되었으며 강제성은 없었다. 또 각 단계별로 출기를 허용하는 자와 불허하는 자를 별도로 규정하였다. 출기 허용 대상을 규정하는 조항이 건륭 55년(1790)까지 개정되는 것으로 보았을 때 중단되지 않고 지속적으로 실시된 것을 알 수 있다. 정책의 주된 대상은 팔기한군 내 하급 관병이나 閑散 기인이었다. 入關 漢軍의 후손은 정책이 최초로 실시된 이후 20년 간 출기가 불허되었다. 입관 한군 내에서도 팔기한군 내 니루를 세습해온 집안 출신은 본인이 원하는 경우에도 출기할 수 없었다. 이 정책으로 출기된 한군 기인의 수를 정확히 파악할 수는 없다. 다만 건륭 연간의 팔기한군 출기 정책을 통틀어 한군 기인의 규모가 약 60% 감소하였을 것으로 추산되고,... The present study divides the Chinese-martial bannermen expulsion policies implemented during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor(1735-96) into the withdrawal permission policy and the forced expulsion policy and analyzes their effects. Based on accurate statistics related to the Chinese-martial bannermen expulsion policies, it focuses on breaking down and elucidating the effects of each expulsion policy. The scope of discussions is limited to those on Chinese-martial bannermen household registers from among Chinese-martial Bannermen in the Eight Banners. In general, the Chinese-martial bannermen are known to have received a comparatively favorable treatment during the Qing Dynasty’s engagement in wars to unify China. From the early years of the dynasty, however, the Chinese-martial bannermen were far lower in status than the Manchu Eight Bannermen and the Mongol Eight Bannermen. This is confirmed by the fact that the numbers of both civil and military officials and posts of Eight Banner officers and soldiers allocated to the Chinese-martial bannermen were disproportionately small. Amidst such a situation, it is seemingly natural for expulsion policies to have been implemented on the Chinese-martial bannermen, for whom the problem of overpopulation was the gravest. However, it must be noted that Chinese-martial bannermen belonging to the Eight Banners even before the Qing Dynasty’s entry through Shanhai Pass to conquer Beijing were treated better than other, ordinary Chinese-martial bannermen. Even out of Chinese-martial bannermen who had thus passed Shanhai Pass, those from the elite class received treatment similar to elite Bannermen belonging to the Manchu Eight Bannermen and the Mongol Eight Bannermen. Such class differences among the Chinese-martial bannermen affected the selection of those who would be allowed to leave the Eight Banners. Starting in the 7th year of the Qianlong Emperor’s reign (1742), the withdrawal permission policy was implemented. Planned to resolve the problem of overpopulation among the Chinese-martial bannermen, this policy was implemented only in the capital at first but subsequently expanded to Garrisons in China proper also. In the 8th year of the Yongzheng Emperor’s reign(1722-35) and the 3rd year of the Qianlong Emperor’s reign (1738), the number of troops assigned to the Chinese-martial bannermen was partly increased in order to create additional jobs as well. However, such measures were inadequate for accommodating the rate of population increase among Chinese-martial bannermen. The withdrawal permission policy was implemented by allowing voluntary withdrawal and did not involve coercion. In addition, those to whom withdrawal would be allowed and those to whom it would be prohibited were separately regulated at each stage. Judging from the fact that clauses regulating the objects of permission to withdraw were revised up to the 55th year of the Qianlong Emperor’s reign (1790), it is clear that this policy was implemented continuously without interruption. The main objects of the policy were low-ranking officers and soldiers and idle Bannermen from among the Chinese-martial bannermen. Descendents of Chinese-martial bannermen who had entered through Shanhai Pass were barred from withdrawal for 20 years following the initial implementation of this policy. Out of Chinese-martial bannermen who had entered through Shanhai Pass, those from families who had successively inherited niru in the Chinese-martial bannermen could not withdraw even if they wished to. It is impossible to grasp the exact number of Chinese-martial bannermen who were expulsed because of this policy. However, the number of Chinese-martial bannermen is estimated to have decreased by approximately 60% throughout the period in which the Chinese-martial bannermen expulsion policies were implemented under the Qianlong Emperor, half of whom would have left as an effect of the forced expulsion policy. Consequently, appr...

18세기 전반 八旗 소속 太監의 추방형 처결 방식과 그 의미 ― 旗人 안건 처결 구조와의 비교를 중심으로 ―

황해윤 명청사학회 2026 명청사연구 Vol.- No.65

This article examines the sentencing practices applied to eunuchs belonging to the Eight Banners in the early eighteenth century and analyzes their implications for understanding the penal order of Qing banner society. Existing scholarship on Qing eunuchs has mainly focused on their political influence, institutional organization, recruitment, and everyday activities within the palace. Relatively little attention, however, has been paid to the legal status of eunuchs within the banner system or to the way their criminal cases were handled in relation to the principle of Avoiding Banishment after Committing Offences granted to bannermen. This study therefore asks whether eunuchs affiliated with the Eight Banners were punished according to the same legal principles applied to bannermen when they committed crimes punishable by banishment. To address this question, the article first examines the principle of Avoiding Banishment after Committing Offences in Qing law and reviews how this principle operated in judicial practice during the early eighteenth century. Under Qing law, bannermen were in principle exempt from punishments involving banishment, such as penal servitude, exile, or military banishment, and these penalties were commonly commuted to cangue and whipping. Nevertheless, depending on the gravity of the crime, actual banishment could still be imposed. The article then examines the institutional position of eunuchs within the Qing palace and the banner system. Drawing on previous studies of the Qing eunuch institution together with banner household-registration materials, this study demonstrates that eunuchs were incorporated into the banner system rather than existing solely as palace servants. Their affiliation with the banners, however, does not automatically mean that their criminal cases were treated identically to those of other bannermen. This issue can only be clarified through the analysis of concrete judicial cases. The core of the article therefore analyzes a series of eunuch criminal cases from the Kangxi and Yongzheng reigns preserved in Manchu palace memorials. These cases show that eunuchs were frequently punished according to a sentencing logic similar to that applied to bannermen. In many instances, punishments that would ordinarily involve banishment were commuted to cangue and whipping, reflecting the operation of the principle of Avoiding Banishment after Committing Offences. At the same time, the cases also reveal that this commutation was not absolute. Depending on the nature and severity of the offense, actual banishment could still be imposed. The sentencing of eunuchs therefore operated within a framework shaped simultaneously by palace discipline, banner status, and imperial judicial authority. This article argues that eunuch criminal cases reveal that the principle of Avoiding Banishment after Committing Offences was not merely a privilege designed to preserve banner military manpower. Because eunuchs, although affiliated with the banner system, were not military personnel, their cases demonstrate that the logic behind this principle also involved the Qing state's effort to manage and retain human resources embedded within the banner order while maintaining legal discipline through selective enforcement of banishment. In this sense, eunuch cases provide important evidence not only for understanding the punishment of a special palace group but also for reconstructing the broader principles governing banner punishment in the early eighteenth century. Because bannermen’s criminal cases from this period are relatively scarce, the study of eunuch cases offers a valuable perspective for understanding how the principle of Avoiding Banishment after Committing Offences actually operated in practice. Finally, this study focuses on the early eighteenth century and does not claim that the same sentencing structure remained unchanged throughout the Qing dynasty. Rather, it provides a historicall...

청중기(清中期) 만주인(滿洲人)의 일상 속 족장(族長)의 역할

김준영 ( Kim¸ Jun-young ) 명청사학회 2021 명청사연구 Vol.- No.55

There was the clan leader who represented each clan in the niru, a basic social unit of the Eight Banners in the Qing Period. The precedent research onthe role of the Manchus clan leader mainly covered the roles related to the clan leader’s clan activities, such as supervision of the ancestral rites, management of kinsmen’s property, compilation of the genealogy, an adoptive son issue within the clan. They described that the Manchus were also formed based on a similar index of the clan formation to the Han people who appeared in the Manchus clan. Manchus were a bannerman who all belonged to Eight Banners, and various standards of Eight Banners greatly affected the large part of their daily life. In this regard, the formation of the Manchus clan and the role of the clan leader were also affected by Eight Banners. However, it is not easy to find an attempt to examine the contact point with Eight Banners other than an effort to find out a contact point with the Han people clan. The reason is to explain the index of the clan formation as a phenomenon of Manchus’ assimilating into Han people. This paper focused on the relation between the head of the Manchus clan who was the top leadership of the clan and Eight Banners and researched the position of the head of the Manchus clan in niru and the role of the clan leader in the daily life of bannerman. Unlike the head of the Han people clan, the Manchus clan leader complied with Qing regulations and selected those with high official positions within the clan. There is a reason why Qing did not weigh on selecting a formal government official but the clan leader; it is because the clan leader took the role of managing and supervising Manchu’s daily life on the front lines. Qing sovereign tried to edify Manchus through imperial edict and directives in order for Manchus to maintain the ruling group’s dignity. Because an emperor’s order was delivered to the bannerman by the clan leader, the clan leader was justified to control kinsmen based on imperial edict and directive. In addition, the clan leader specified kinsmen’s daily life control and authority of punishment granted by an emperor in the family regulation, so that he emphasized the authority of managing kinsmen. It is the Manchus clan’s characteristic that specified the authority of the clan leader in the clan’s lessons. It was because the clan leader was the subject who was the most severely punished after offenders.

淸代 繙譯考試와 經書 滿譯本 제작 연구

최다정 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2025 민족문화연구 Vol.106 No.-

This paper examines the pattern of questions in the imperial translation examination (繙譯考試) administered to the Manchurian and Mongolian bannermen (旗人) of the Eight Banners (八旗) during the Qing Dynasty, and examines the production and evolution of the Confucian classics (經書) translated into Manchu-language that were the scope of the imperial translation examination. First, the tendency of questions in the imperial translation examination was analyzed by analyzing the Heumjeong-guajangjorye (欽定科場條例), Beonyeok-gosije (繙譯考試題) and the Qing Dynasty's petitions (上奏文). The Qing emperors were directly involved in the imperial translation examination by creating essays on Manchu writing. At that time, translation questions was presented by linking the contents of the Confucian classics to government affairs, and the content of the questions tended to vary depending on the job characteristics of the official being selected. The translation questions and essay topics of the imperial translation examination were all from the Confucian classics translated into Manchu by order of the emperor. it was characteristic that the Manchu version of Four Books and Five Classics (四書五經) as well as Beonyeok-hyogyeong (繙譯孝經) were included in the scope of the imperial translation examination throughout the Qing Dynasty. Accordingly, along with the implementation of the imperial translation examination, the Qing Dynasty’s Manchu policy was directly linked to the production of translated Confucian classics. During the Qianlong (乾隆) period, the New Qing Language (新淸語) was established, which involved translating Chinese characters into Manchu by paraphrasing (意譯) them instead of transliterating (音譯). This was clearly reflected in the production of Manchu translations of the Confucian classics and the imperial translation examination. After the imperial translation examination qualifications were expanded to the Eight Banners' Garrison (駐防八旗) during the Daoguang (道光) era, Eight Banners' Garrison published their own selections of translated Four Books (四書), which also proves the connection between the imperial translation examination and the translated Confucian classics into manchu. Through the above research, the significance of this paper lies in the way it has revealed how the three elements of ‘improving Manchu language skills of the Eight Banners (八旗), implementing imperial translation examinations to cultivate translation talents, and producing Manchu-language Confucian classics (經書) were closely interrelated and operated throughout the Qing Dynasty.

清代 八旗의 東北 이주와 東北 滿洲人의 多元的 정체성

김준영 만주학회 2021 만주연구 Vol.- No.32

The Manchus include people from diverse races amongst which were the Mongolians, the Jurchen, the Han, and the Joseon people, groups within the Eight Manju Banner clan genealogy (八旗滿洲氏族通譜). Nevertheless, we often regard the Manchu people as descendants of the Jurchen and overlook their racial diversity. This assumption is also common among the Northeast Manchu people, who often view birthplace as the significant mark of Manchu ethnicity. This paper examines the multiracial composition of northeast Manchurians using immigration policies of the Qing dynasty, which scholars often overlook as external to the formation of the Northeast Manchu society during the Qing dynasty. This paper aims to examine the composition of many kinds of northeastern Manchus by combining the migration policy of Qing Dynasty, which is an external factor in the composition process of Manchus in the northeast, with the perception of their source. First, external factors such as migration of Manchurians within the Great Wall, the migrations of minorities, the southern Han people, and the Southerners to the northeast who all joined the Eight Banners made it possible to form a multi-ethnic group of Manchus. In addition, there was a distinguish between the New and Old Manchus during the formation of Northeast Manchurian people. Namely, National Commission published volumes of the Qing Dynasty Manju Genealogical Anthology (清代滿族家譜選輯) contained 80 Manchu genealogical records belonging to the Manchu, Mongol and Chinese banners. These references provided needed genealogical data but also made it possible to estimate the diverse origins and classes of the Northeast Manchu people. 만주족은 『팔기만주씨족통보(八旗滿洲氏族通譜)』에 포함된 여진 · 몽골 · 한인(漢人) · 조선인 이외에 다양한 種族 출신의 사람들이 포함된다. 그럼에도 우리는 만주족 하면 여진족의 후예로만 인식하고 그들의 種族적 다양성을 간과하는 경우가 많다. 이러한 인식은 만주족의 발상지로 알려진동북지역 만주인에게 더 많이 나타난다. 본고는 청대 동북 만주인 구성과정의 외부적 요인인 청조의 이주 정책과 만주인 스스로 자신들의 근원에 대한 인식을 결합하여 동북 만주인의 多種族 구성에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. 먼저 만주인의 多種族 구성을 가능하게 했던 외부적 요인은 동북만주인의 ⼊關과 그 이 이후 변동 상황, 關內 旗人의 동북 이주, 동북 변경 소수민족의 이주와 ⼊旗 그리고 關內 漢人의 동북 이주와 ⼊旗 등이다. 아울러 이러한 동북 만주인의 구성 중 신 · 구만주에 따른 정체성 차이도 나타났다. 동북 만주인의 구성 및 정체성은 중국청사편찬위원회에서 출간한 『清代滿族家譜選輯上· 下冊』을 주로 참고하였다. 이 만주족 족보 자료집은 만주 · 몽고 · 한군기에 속한 80여 부의 만주인 족보가 수록되어있어 다양한 種族 출신 만주인의 정체성을 엿볼 수 있었다.

다이칭 구룬과 차하르 -홍타이지의 大淸國 건립과 차하르의 역할-

이선애 고려대학교 역사연구소 2026 사총 Vol.118 No.-

본고는 후금에 투항한 차하르인의 존재 양태와 이들이 만주 정권의 발전 과정에서 수행한 역할과 역사적 의미를 고찰했다. 홍타이지는 차하르 세력의 투항을 유도하기 위해 차하르 관원들의 지위와 기득권을 인정했고 그 결과 이들은 ‘팔기 바깥의 팔기’를 형성했다. 만주 정권은 世職을 통해 투항한 차하르인과 후금 한의 직접적인 네트워크를 구축하고 이들이 조정을 위해 效力하도록 독려했다. 숭덕 원년부터 순치 연간에 이르기까지 차하르 관원에게 수여된 세직 칙서에는 후금이 청으로 거듭나고 명의 영토를 정복하는 과정에서 차하르인이 수행한 역할이 응축되어 있다. 후금에 투항한 차하르인들은 관료, 지휘관, 병사, 목동으로서 자의이든 타의이든 다이칭 구룬의 건립과 발전에 여러 형태와 방식으로 동참했다. This article examines the modalities of existence of the surrendered Chahar Mongols and elucidates their roles and historical significance in the evolutionary process of the Manchu polity. To induce the surrender of Chahar forces, Hong Taiji recognized the offices and vested interests of Chahar officials; consequently, these groups came to constitute what may be termed “banners outside the Eight Banners.” By granting hereditary offices, the Manchu regime established direct networks between the surrendered Chahar personnel and the Later Jin Han, thereby encouraging them to render service to the imperial court. Edicts conferring hereditary offices on Chahar officials, issued from the first year of Chongde through the Shunzhi reign, encapsulate the crucial roles performed by Chahar personnel in the course of the Later Jin’s transformation into the Qing and its conquest of Ming territory. Whether voluntarily or under compulsion, these surrendered Chahar individuals participated in the establishment and expansion of the Daicing Gurun in various capacities-serving as officials, commanders, soldiers, and herdsmen on behalf of the dynasty.

清朝의 종실족장 선발과 족장의 종실사회 관리

김준영 만주학회 2020 만주연구 Vol.- No.30

Studies of clan leader leadership in the Ming and Qing Dynasties often focus on clan leader’s activities such as ceremonies, property management and compilation of genealogy. This paper explores the role of clan leaders in the social organization of the Manchu community. According to the period of into bannerman and the type of Niru, Manchu community is divided classes. Among the various classes that make up the Manchu community, the royal family and ordinary bannerman differentiated based on a household registry, Niru composition and group management. This study sets the royal family as the primary group of interest in the Manchu Community. Using archives of the Qing Dynasty, it explores changes in clan leader selection processes, and clan leader’s duties and authority during the administration of Eight Banners. The study found that the new clan leader’s primary selection criteria were not their blood-based relations within the clan, but their public posts and the emperor’s recognition. The emperor’s direct involvement in the selection of clan leader (but not official bureaucrats) was two-fold: (1) it strengthened the emperor’s influence over the royal family; and (2) the clan leader’s responsibility in managing the people and implementing the edicts of the Eight-banner Administration within the Niru. 만주공동체가 팔기를 중심으로 운영됨에 따라 기층사회조직도 니루를 중심으로 재편되었다. 그러나 이러한 사회구조 변화 속에서도 니루에는 좌령 이외에 각 종족(宗族)을 대표하는 족장이 남아 있었다. 그렇다면 입관 후 니루에서 족장의 역할 및 권한에는 어떠한 변화가 있었는가? 기존 족장의 역할 및 권한에 대한 연구는 주로 족장의 제사주관, 재산관리, 족보편찬, 양자문제관리 등 종족 내부 활동과 관련된 부분에 집중하였다. 만주족장도 종족의 수장으로써 종족 내부 활동을 주관하는 역할을 맡았지만 만주족장의 역할은 여기에 그치지 않고 니루에서 다양한 공적인 임무를 맡았다. 족장의 공적인 임무와 권한은 그들이 단순히 혈연집단의 수장이라는 이유로는 설명되지 않는다. 따라서 본고에서는 만주공동체의 새로운 기본사회조직이 된 니루에서 족장의 공적인 역할 및 권한에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. 만주공동체는 팔기 입기(入旗)시기, 니루의 종류에 따라 계층이 구분된다. 만주공동체를 구성하는 다양한 계층 중 특히 종실과 일반 기인은 호적편성, 니루 구성, 집단 관리 측면에서 차이를 보인다. 따라서 본고는 연구의 범위를 종실족장에 한정해 진행하고자 한다. 본고는 청조의 당안(檔案)자료를 이용하여 종실의 계층분화, 족장 선발 방식의 변화, 족장의 팔기행정 참여 중 임무와 권한에 대해 연구하였다. 족장선발의 주요원칙은 종족 내 혈연적 지위가 아닌 관품이었고 황제를 알현한 후 임명되었다. 정식 관료가 아닌 종실족장 선발에 황제가 직접 관여한 이유는 결과적으로 두 가지 측면으로 나눠진다. 하나는 종실집단에 대한 황제의 영향력 강화방안이다. 다른 하나는 니루에서 족장이 실질적으로 족인을 관리하고 팔기 행정을 처리하는 역할을 맡았기 때문이었다

1795년 정조의 화성 城操와 〈서장대 야조도〉 비교 분석

이은주(Lee, Eun-joo),제송희(Jae, Song-hee) 한국고전번역원 2020 민족문화 Vol.56 No.-

이 논문에서는 1795년 정조의 화성 성조와 ≪화성행행도≫ 8폭병풍 중 <서장대야조도>를 비교 분석하였다. 1795년 화성 방문 당시 성곽은 미완의 상태였지만 정조는 서장대에 나아가 군사훈련을 점검함으로써 성곽 수비의 중요성을 강조하고 화성의 위상을 강화하고자 하였다. 군사훈련은 12시간 동안 진행되었는데, 壯勇外營 친군위․城丁軍․응원군 등 3900명이 참여하였고, 大臣․近臣․侍衛 관원과 다른 營門의 군사 등 2800여 명이 참관하여 화성의 위용을 목도하였다. 주간에는 성곽을 동서남북 네 구간으로 나누어 군사들을 배치하고 성에 접근한 가상의 적들을 불랑기ㆍ조총ㆍ돌멩이 등의 무기로 퇴치하는 훈련이 진행되었다. 야간에는 횃불 훈련과 走火 훈련을 행하였다. <서장대 야조도>는 화성의 위용, 장용영 군사들의 기상, 태평성대의 이미지를 극대화하고자 한 정조의 정치적 의도를 구현하는 데 중점을 두었기 때문에 성조에 대한 세부 내용은 대부분 생략되었다. 성조에 대해 종합적으로 이해하기 위해 ‘形名을 통한 군대 지휘’라는 기본 상식이 어떻게 시각화되었는지를 중심으로 분석하였다. 성조에서 대장이 있는 곳임을 표시하기 위해 올리던 12폭 白大旗가 시각화되지 않고, 정조의 친림 사실을 부각하기 위해 황색 大閱旗와 수자기로 대체되었다. 그리고 大旗幟 38면은 서장대 앞, 성곽 길 왼쪽 2군데, 행궁 앞 등 4곳에 20면 정도로 줄여 묘사되어 있지만, 정조와 장용외사 앞에는 대기치 38면을, 그 외 장용대장 20면, 훈련대장 11면 등 조련에서의 비중에 따라 달리 배치될 수 있음을 확인하였다. 한편 名을 이루는 吹打로는 나팔․호적․징․북․鑼․발라․자바라․점자가 활용되었고, 장고․관․적․해금 등 4종류의 細樂이 편성되었다. 이들 취타수와 세악수들이 <서장대 야조도>에는 전혀 시각화되어 있지 않아 이례를 보인다. This paper aimed to conduct an in-depth analysis of the Seojangdae Yajodo included in the Eight-Panel Folding Screen of the Royal Procession to the Ancestral Tomb in Suwon (Hwasung Haenghaengdo). During King Jeongjo’s visit to Hwaseong in 1795, the fortress was in an incomplete state. However, he went to Seojangdae to check the soldiers’ training to emphasize the importance of defending the fortress and strengthening its status. The military exercise lasted 12 hours. The drill involved 3,900 soldiers, including members from the Outside of Jangyong Camp and other military personnel. Furthermore, 2,800 persons, including major officialsㆍpresidential aidesㆍthe captain of the guardㆍsoldiers of other military agencies, observed the military exercise. During the day, the fortress was divided into four sections, east, west, north, and south, and military forces were deployed to combat virtual enemies who approached the fortress with weapons such as bullanggi, gun and stone. Torch training and bombing exercise were conducted at night. Most of the details of the military training at Hwaseong Fortress were omitted, because Seojangdae Yajodo focused on realizing the splendor of Hwaseong, brave figure of Jang Yongyeong’s soldiers and the political intentions of King Jeongjo to maximize the image of reign of peace. The analysis of Seojangdae Yajodo focused on how the basic concept of ‘military command through military banners and sound signals’ was visualized. First of all, the royal court hung a large yellow Parade Flag and Captain’s Flag to highlight the fact of King Jeongjo’s direct participation. Although the 38 large banners were reduced to about 20 sides in front of Seojangdae, two on the left side of the fortress road and on the front of Haenggung Palace, it was confirmed that the banners were arranged differently depending on the relative importance of the training. A total 38 sides of large banners could be placed in front of Jeongjo and Outside of Jangyong Camp, Further, 20 sides were placed on Jangyong Camp’s Captain and 11 sides were placed on the Training Camp’s Captain. Meanwhile, for the sound signal, bugle, traditional conical oboe, gong, drum, large gong, trumpet shell, cymbals, and small gong were used. Moreover, four small pieces of sheet music played on Janggu, Pipe, Daegeum, and Haegeum were organized. Incidentally, unusually, instrument players are not visualized at all in Seojangdae Yajodo.