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정현(鄭玄)의 참위이해(讖緯理解)와 그 사회·정치적 함의 - 감생제설과 우주생성론을 중심으로 -
박동인 ( Park Dong In ) (사)율곡연구원 2021 율곡학연구 Vol.44 No.-
The purpose of this study is to find out the understanding of Chen-Wei of ZhengXuan who lived in the end of East-Han dynasty and its socio-political mplications. My initial problem was that ZhengXuan, a great Confucian scholar who synthesized Han dynasty's New-Text and Old-Text Scholarships, why did he comment on scriptures with Chan-Wei-Shuo and the Chan-Wei-Books?“ This is because ZhengXuan's Chen-Wei comments and the understanding of Chen-Wei use seemed to be a factor in fading the Confucian of ZhengXuan. However, as a result of the study, it was discovered that ZhengXuan had a socio-political reason for annotating the scriptures with Chen-Wei and annotating the Chen-Wei books. First of all, ZhengXuan lived in a Confucian country where scriptures were used to determine national significance since the West-Han dynasty. However, it was because the contents of the scriptures alone could not actively respond to the diversifying social and political demands. And since WangMang, who founded the Xin dynasty as Chen-Wei, and GuangWuDi, who founded the East-Han dynasty, highly respected Chen-Wei, many people in the East-Han dynasty era, from the royal princes to the common people, have turned to Chen-Wei. Because it took precedence over the scriptures. This is because Chen-Wei-Shuo was more useful in persuading the people because the people respected Chen-Wei as Nei-Xue. In addition, as the young emperor repeatedly ascended the East-Handy era, relatives on their maternal side and eunuchs prevailed, and the people's livelihood was devastated by their tyranny. In ZhengXuan's view, Chan-Wei-Shuo was the most useful means to defend the absolute right of the emperor from the tyranny of the relatives on their maternal side and the eunuchs and to guarantee the legitimacy of Liu-Han dynasty's regime in this situation. This is the reason why ZhengXuan was interested in Gan-Sheng-Di-Shuo, Wu-Xing-Xiang-Shuo, and the cosmologies of Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun, which I dealt with in this text. In the Chen-Wei books, there are many unusual birth stories about the Shou-Ming monarch, the saint, and the teachers of the Shou-Ming monarch, and these are the birth stories of King FuXi, HuangDi, Yao, and Tang. Of course, the Chen-Wei books emphasized the unique birth story of these Shou-Ming monarchs to indirectly guarantee the legitimacy of Han-Gao-Zu Liu Bang's founding of Han dynasty and the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime's people's rule. The reason the birth of KongZi was mythized is because he saw that he devised the system for the Han dynasty. ZhengXuan used this Gan-Sheng-Di-Shuo from the Chen-Wei books as it was for his commentary on the scriptures. A representative example of this is the section of Mao-Shi「Shang-Song·Xuan-Niao」. While commenting on 「Shang-Song·Xuan-Niao」, ZhengXuan accepted the story of the birth of Xia(契), the progenitor of King Tang, based on Chan-Wei-Shuo, unlike Mao-Shuan. And, like Chan-Wei-Shuo, he recognized King Tang as a Shou-Ming monarch born in response to Hei-Di. This was because it became the logic to defend Wu-Xing-Xiang-Shuo, which was desperately requested by the government at the end of the East Han dynasty. Meanwhile, ZhengXuan also accepted Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan of Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du through Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du Shang and Xia. Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du fuses the cosmology of Taoism and Zhou-Yi to distinguish Tao-Yi from metaphysics and Tai-Chu(Qi), Tai-Shi(Xing), and Tai-Su(Zhi) from metaphysics. At that time, the Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun’s theory of cosmogenesis was used to mystify ‘Dao’, the first place of cosmic generation, to secure the absolute authority of the emperor corresponding to that position socially and politically. Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du applies this principle as it is, and by separating the seat of 'Tai-Yi' from the rest, it defends the absolute right of the emperor. This is the reason why ZhengXuan accepted Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun as originally intended in commenting on Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du. However, ZhengXuan did not stop there and reconstructed the logical process of universe creation much more precisely than Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du. Whereas Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du mentions only the numbers one, seven, and nine, which are Yang's numbers, ZhengXuan goes one step further, two(二), six(六) and eight (八) which are Yin’s numbers, are inferred. And by revealing that Qi(氣) is always operating in the undercurrent not only in the Tai-Chu state, but also in the stages of Tai-Shi(Xing) and Tai-Su(Zhi), all beings are created by the two Qi of Yin and Yang. Because it was discovered that they exist. In this way, Zhengxuan's Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du’s commentary can be evaluated as achieving both political and philosophical objectives.
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淸代 ‘懷慶藥商’의 商業 活動과 네트워크 形成 ― ‘協盛全’과 ‘杜盛興'을 中心으로 ―
이민호 명청사학회 2011 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.35
懷商是指明淸時期河南懷慶府所屬的河內, 孟縣, 溫縣, 武陟, 修武, 濟源等縣商人所組成的懷慶商帮. 懷慶位于河南省西北部, 北枕太行山, 南臨黃河, 沁河, 丹河等河流貫穿境內, 全境爲沖積平原. 明淸時期, 懷慶因其豊富的物産, 四通八達的水陸交通, 以及山西商人的影響, 在中原地區商品經濟的發展中占有十分重要的地位. 懷慶商帮以本地所産四大懷藥(地黃, 牛膝, 山藥, 菊花)爲依托, 以自己獨特的經營之道, 步入商海之林, 參與競爭, 幷且在競爭中發展壯大. 明淸時期, 不少懷慶商人離鄕背井, 足迹遍及大江南北, 形成了遍及全國的商品貿易網絡, 促進了懷慶與全國各地的商品交流. 明淸時期, 懷慶府地區出現了 ‘協盛全’, ‘杜盛興’ 等一批知名商號. 這些懷商商號通過遍布各地的網絡進行貿易, 不僅促進了懷慶地區與全國各地的商品流通, 發展了地方經濟. 協盛全在國內的各個分店按水系劃分管理區域, 總店則根據經營需要不斷遷移, 開始在開封, 後來到武漢, 店鋪100餘家, 廣及河南, 河北, 天津, 上海, 湖北等10個省區. 杜盛興除了經營傳統上的四大懷藥外, 也經營麝香, 朱砂, 黃芪, 黨參等名貴中藥材. 當時懷藥運鎖主要走水路, 懷商稱外出經營爲“跑水”. 懷慶藥商, 從懷慶府出發, 舟車轉運, 渡黃河入汜水至禹州, 然後過社旗, 入唐河, 襄河, 南下武漢, 長沙, 廣州等地. 禹州, 武漢是懷藥南下途中兩個最爲重要的中轉站和集散地, 建在這兩個地方的懷慶會館的規模也最爲宏大. 懷慶會館是淸代以來河南懷慶商人集資建造的活動場所, 是懷慶商人發展的標志. 分布在各地的懷慶會館, 爲將懷藥推向海內外市場, 謀求懷帮貿易更大的發展進行了多方探索
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