조선의 건륭 칠순 진하특사와『열하일기』

구범진 ( Bum Jin Koo ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2013 인문논총 Vol.70 No.-

In 1780 a Choson embassy led by Pak Myongwon was invited to visit Chengde, or Yorha, and honor Qianlong`s seventy-sui birthday. A detailed record of this embassy is provided in Pak Chiwon`s Yorha ilgi, where Pak describes the encounter between the Choson emissaries and the Panchen Lama in great detail. To date, Pak`s Yorha ilgi has been read as a faithful historical record and a disinterested account of the Choson emissaries` experiences in Chengde. However, when we compare Pak`s account with various other historical records of his time, it becomes clear that Yorha ilgi is far from an objective account. The famous account of the statues of Buddha is a case in point. Pak Myongwon and his fellow emissaries received the statues from the Panchen Lama as gifts. They interpreted the statues as gifts given upon Qianlong`s orders. Consequently, they decided to carry them all the way back to Choson where they were severely criticized for violating the strict Neo-Confucian injunctions against Buddhism. Pak`s Yorha ilgi was written in defense of Pak Myongwon`s actions in the face of this political criticism. In Yorha ilgi, Pak argues that the encounter with the Panchen Lama took place under circumstances far beyond Pak Myongwon`s control. A close reading of Yorha ilgi alongside other historical documents reveals that Pak Chiwon deliberately blurs the line between eyewitness account and second-hand report by leading his readers to confuse the date of a significant event in which Qianlong met the Panchen Lama in public. As a minor figure who was not endowed with diplomatic powers, Pak Chiwon was absent from many of the events he reported on. Yorha ilgi should not be read at face value, as if it were an objective historical record, but in historical context alongside other historical documents.

1790년 열하(熱河) 사행(使行)의 이도정(二道井)~열하(熱河) 구간에 대한 인문지리학적 탐색

이승수 ( Seang Su Lee ) 한국고전문학회 2011 고전문학연구 Vol.40 No.-

Diplomatic Trip to Rehe(Chengde) in 1790 has the special meaning in the history of travel to Yanjing for 600 years. Several greatest literary men at that time joined the envoy and left multiple records in the special friendship between Joseon and Qing dynasty. It is special because the envoy followed the direct route to Re He after leaving Sindian. This paper examined the records between July 4 to 15, 1790 and tried to identify the anthropogeographical meaning of the section between Erdaojing and Chengde. First, the route was examined and literature was reviewed. The most sections in the route were reconfigured through two field visits and literature review. However, several sections couldn`t be reconfigured because of certain reasons. The data was rearranged on the basis of the spaces on the route. Two approaches above built the infrastructure to analyze diverse records related to geographical space. The data was also analyzed and the meaning of the route in terms of the history of literature was also briefly examined. Those who participated in the envoy didn`t hide differentiated pride and wonder in their first spatial experience. It means that enjoy was the exploration of literary space in a narrow sense and expansion of world view in a broad sense. The envoys faithfully recorded the results after identifying the customs and political profits and losses as one of official missions as the diplomatic delegates. Their records faithfully described geographical features, history and systems which they newly experienced and reported the political profits and losses by observing the customs. As observing the rich and peaceful life in a society in the northern frontier region, they didn`t hesitate to call the region as utopia. It was the absolutely positive expression on the political and social aspects of Qing dynasty. Furthermore, their emotion on route and some landscapes that they observed were examined. They had the literary meaning as well as history embracing such geographical space.

1780년 연암 박지원의 熱河 행로

이승수,황인건,강동우,강소영 한국언어문화학회 2019 한국언어문화 Vol.0 No.68

What was the most special experience for Yeonam during the journey to Qing in 1780? Without a doubt, it was the journey to Rehe. Most of all, he used ‘Rehe’ in the titles in his writings. Of total 7 diaries written during the journey for 56 days, 3 diaries contained the experience and impression related to Rehe for 16 days. Another evidence was that he didn’t use the diary style in his writings after the journey to Rehe. This paper analyzed ‘Makbukhaengjeongnok’, the part 5 in Yeolha-ilgi which reorganized the route from Beijing to Rehe from Aug. 5 to 9, 1780. The diplomatic envoy of Yeonam left Beijing at around 10 o’clock in the morning on Aug. 5 and arrived at the accommodation in Rehe at around 10 o’clock in the morning on Aug. 9. It was about 240km from Beijing to Rehe at that time. It meant that the diplomatic envoy of Yeonam completed the route just in three days. He moved about 60km per day in average. The daily travelling distance for the diplomatic envoy was maximum 40km. Then, the diplomatic envoy of Yeonam moved 20km more than other envoys per day in average. Which route did Yeonam take to go to Rehe(Chengde-si, Hebei Sheng at present)? To which places at present did the names of places mentioned in the ‘Makbukhaengjeongnok’ correspond? In which places was Yeonam impressed and shocked most specifically? How were the sceneries which Yeonam saw changed? Is it possible for us to read the ‘Yeolha-ilgi’ and to experience his impression as following his route? The discussion comprises of the answers to those questions above. The route of Yeonam was roughly reconfigured and the important places were investigated. In the process of investigation, several errors found in the description in ‘Yeolha-ilgi’ were corrected. This paper was a part of investigation on the geographical space in the literature of Korea. The significance of this paper was to verify the possibility to embrace the old route from Beijing to Rehe and the areas along the route as the space of Korean literature. 1780년 청나라 여행에서, 연암에게 가장 특별한 체험은 무엇이었을까? 의심의여지없이 熱河를 다녀온 일이다. 무엇보다 제목에 ‘熱河’를 앞세웠고, 56일의 여행을 담은 7편의 일기 중 열하와 관련된 16일의 견문과 소회를 담은 것이 3편이나 된다. 열하 여행을 종점으로 일기체 기술을 포기하는 것도 하나의 증좌이다. 이 논문은 ≪열하일기≫의 <막북행정록>을 분석하여, 1780년 8월 5일과 9일 사이, 北京에서 熱河에 이르는 행로를 재구성한 것이다. 8월 5일 오전 10시경에 북경을 떠난 연암 일행은 9일 아침 10시 즈음에 열하 숙소에 도착한다. 당시 북경과열하 사이의 거리가 240km 정도 되었는데, 이를 나흘 만에 주파했으니 하루 평균60km 정도를 이동한 셈이다. 당시 사행의 하루 노정이 길어야 40km였으니, 그보다 하루 평균 20km를 더 이동했던 것이다. 연암은 과연 어떤 길을 통해 열하(지금의 河北省 承德市)에 갔을까? <막북행정록>에 나오는 여러 지명들은 지금의 어디에 해당하며, 연암이 특별히 충격 받고 감동했던 곳은 어느 지점인가? 연암이보았던 풍경들은 어떻게 달라져 있는가? 그 행로를 따라가며 ≪열하일기≫를 읽고, 그날의 감동을 추체험하는 것은 가능한가? 논의는 이러한 질문들에 대한 답변으로 이루어져 있다. 연암이 지났던 경로를 대략 재구성하였으며, 중요한 지점을비정하였다. 그 과정에서 ≪열하일기≫의 기술에 보이는 몇몇 오류를 바로잡았다. 이 논문은 한국문학의 지리공간에 대한 탐색의 일환으로 시도되었다. 북경에서 열하에 이르는 옛길 및 그 주변 지역을 한국문학의 공간으로 바라볼 수 있는 가능성을 확인한 것이 이 논문의 중요한 성과이다.

河北承德方言的特殊读音字及其成因

민경만 한국중국언어학회 2021 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.93

Chengde City is located in the northeast of Hebei Province, the transition zone between North China and Northeast China. Chengde City is the largest prefecture-level city in Hebei Province. According to the “Chinese Language Atlas” (second Edition)(2012), Chengde dialect belongs to Beijing Mandarin and Jilu Mandarin. Based on a field survey of 25 points in Chengde, this paper analyzes the phonology and meaning of special characters obtained from the comparison of the phonology of Chengde dialect (old) with the phonology of the Middle Ages based on previous studies. Compare and briefly explain the factors that cause the special pronunciations. The Special Pronunciations of Chinese words in Chengde dialect is roughly caused by six causes:1. The influence of the shape of the character on the pronunciation;2. The influence of word meaning on pronunciation;3. Save pronunciation after Middle Chinese;4. Pronunciations from different sources;5. The influence of external dialects;6. The influence of taboo. 承德市位于河北省东北部,华北与东北地区的过渡地带。承德市是河北省面积最大的地级市。根据《中国语言地图集》(第2版)(2012),承德方言分属于北京官话和冀鲁官话。本文通过承德25个点的实地调查,在前人研究的基础上,对从承德方言(老派)音系与中古音系对照中获得的特殊读音字,进行音韵、意义的分析,与普通话进行共时比较,并对造成特殊读音字的因素进行简单的分类阐释。承德方言特殊读音字的读音大体是由六种成因造成的:一、字形对语音的影响;二、词义对语音的影响;三、保存中古以后的音;四、不同来源的读音;五、外部方言的影响;六、避讳的影响。

Chengde and the Barbarians: Reading Ethnicity and Difference in Pak Chiwŏn’s Yŏrha ilgi

( Min Eun Kyung ) 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2013 Seoul journal of Korean studies Vol.26 No.2

The aim of this essay is to situate the travelogue of Pak Chiwŏn in the context of the new Qing history and the recent interest in Chengde studies. Most studies of Pak Chiwŏn situate him in the Korean tradition of yŏnhaeng 燕行-literally, “journey to Beijing.” This essay begins by noting, quite simply, that the specific achievement and significance of Yŏrha ilgi needs to be framed in terms of its necessary departure from the generic expectations and constraints of yŏnhaengnok. Pak intended to go to Beijing, and he did, but Beijing turned out to be a stopover rather than the end destination; unexpectedly, and dramatically, he ended up in Chengde or Yŏrha 熱河. It would therefore seem logical to query in what ways his travelogue diverges from, rather than conforms to, the yŏnhaengnok tradition. In Chengde, Pak met not only Manchus and Han Chinese, but also Mongols, Uyghur Muslims, and Tibetans. Confronted with this great ethnic and cultural mix in a city never before traveled to by a Chosŏn embassy, Pak resorts, on the one hand, to the traditional language of the “barbarian,” a hierarchical language of ethnic difference. On the other hand, he also shows a sensitive awareness of the transactional and relative nature of ethnicity. By closely examining the different terms-ho 胡, ro 虜, chŏk 狄, orangk’ae 兀良哈, and combinations thereof, such as horo 胡虜 and hojŏk 胡狄-Pak used to describe the unfamiliar peoples he met in Chengde, this essay analyzes his reading of the difference and variety at the heart of the Qing empire.

唐 憲宗의 藩鎭改革과 成德節度使 王承宗

정병준 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2022 동국사학 Vol.75 No.-

Tang Xianzong succeeded in the Reform of the Provinces, but made some mistakes. His two attacks on the Chengde Military Commissioner Wang Chengzong was the best case. At that time, the Chengde Province was powerful, so Xianzong’s attacks was all failed. If Xianzong made persistent military aggression against the Chengde Province, the Reform of the Provinces could have fallen through. But Xianzong recognized the attack on the Chengde Province as error, and stopped the attack. It was a very right decision. His decision led the success in attack on the Huaixi Province which was proceeded before the second attack on the Chengde Province. Conversion of strategy overcome the risk. As the Huaixi Province was destroyed, Autonomous Provinces were surrendered in turn, and Wang Chengzong yielded under pressure inevitably. 당 헌종은 번진을 개혁하여 조정의 권위를 크게 회복한 ‘元和中興’의 군주이며 그 성공의 이유로 번진 개혁과정을 높게 평가하는 경우가 많다. 하지만 그 개혁과정을 자세히 보면 상당한 실책이 있었던 것도 부정하기 어렵다. 그것을 가장 잘 보여주는 것이 성덕의 왕승종에 대한 두 차례 토벌이다. 그 첫 번째 토벌은 왕승종이 번진을 승계한 후 헌종의 명을 무시하자 淮西를 먼저 토벌하자는 논자들의 의견을 물리치고 원화 4년(809) 10월 행해졌다. 하지만 성덕은 여전히 강력했기 때문에 이듬해 7월 토벌을 그만두었다. 두 번째 토벌은 새로 회서를 승계한 오원제를 토벌하던 중인 원화 10년(815) 7월 개시되었다. 이번에는 왕승종이 오원제 토벌을 방해하기 위해 재상을 암살한 때문이었다. 하지만 논자들의 우려대로 ‘할거 번진’ 두 개를 동시에 토벌하는 것은 역시 무리였고 얼마 후 왕승종 토벌을 그만두었다. 하지만 그때부터 오원제 토벌전은 성과를 거두어 같은 해인 원화 12년(817) 10월 평정하였다. 오원제가 평정되자 반역 번진들이 차례로 귀순하였다. 하지만 곧 태도를 바꾼 평로의 이사도에 대한 토벌전이 전개되자 왕승종은 상황을 관망하였다. 이사도가 패망한 뒤 왕승종은 완전 굴복하였고 얼마 후 사망하였다.

1780년 열하의 칠순 만수절과 건륭의 ‘제국’

구범진 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

This paper examines the historical context of the Qianlong emperor's seventy-sui birthday celebration in Chengde, 1780. To many scholars, this birthday celebration was historically significant mainly because of the Third Panchen Lama's presence there. While it is true that Qianlong gave special treatment to the Panchen Lama to showcase his role as the great protector of Tibetan Buddhism, this element of the event reveals at best one part of the whole and there is another important aspect that deserves our attention. This paper pays attention to Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday, which was unprecedented in Qing history, as a special moment to commemorate his military and political achievements as a Qing ruler, and argues that this birthday celebration was his way of commemorating his empire building in Central Eurasia in the presence of those very peoples who had newly submitted to him. Qianlong chose to celebrate his seventy-sui birthday in Chengde, not in Beijing where all the previous Qianlong's decennial birthdays had been celebrated until the sixty-sui birthday. By choosing Chengde over Beijing, Qianlong was able to bring together all the top leaders of the Dörböt Mongols as well as Uriyangkhais and the Torghut Mongols. Most of these peoples had no immunity toward smallpox and could not have come to Beijing. Qianlong knew very well that the Panchen Lama's presence would make them more willing to come to Chengde since they were followers of the Geluk sect of Tibetan Buddhism. In addition to these peoples, however, Qianlong also brought to Chengde the Muslim begs of East Turkistan and the Tibetan tusi chieftains of western Sichuan. Here it is important to note that it was under the rule of Qianlong that all the above peoples were newly incorporated into the Qing empire. In the 1750s Qianlong completed the conquest of the Zunghars, which brought the Dörböts and Uriyangkhais under his rule, and subjected the Uyghur Muslims. In 1771 the Torghuts returned to the pasture of their ancestors, who had migrated from Zungharia west to the Volga in the 1630s, and declared their allegiance to Qianlong. In addition, in the second Jinchuan campaign of 1771-76 he pacified the Tibetan people in western Sichuan. It is evident, then, that Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday celebration on the 13th day of the 8th lunar month in 1780 was designed not only to commemorate his ties with Tibetan Buddhism. Qianlong's intention was grander: he wanted to orchestrate a spectacular celebration of his lifetime achievements in Qing empire building in Central Eurasia.

당 후기 성덕번진 초기의 내정 –《李寶臣紀功載政頌》의 ‘載政’ 譯註를 중심으로–

조재우 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2025 동국사학 Vol.83 No.-

이 글에서는 당 후기 할거번진을 대표하는 ‘河朔三鎭’의 일익인 成德藩鎭의 창건자 이보신의 공적과 덕정을 기념하고자 대종 영태 2년(766) 7월 성덕번진의 중심지 ‘恒州’에 건립된 《李寶臣紀功載政頌》의 ‘載政’ 譯註를 통해 당 후기 성덕번진 초기의 내정을 살펴보고자 하였다. 관련 연구에서 당 후기 번진체제의 고착화에 지대한 영향을 미쳤던 인물로 평가되고 있는 이보신과 관련한 문헌기록의 내용은 주로 당조의 입장에서 성덕번진과의 관계 및 주변 번진과의 동향 등에 치중되어 있는 반면, 《李寶臣紀功載政頌》의 경우 안사의 난 종식 직후 성덕번진의 내정과 초기 발전사를 성덕번진 내부의 시각에서 기록하고 있다는 측면에서 중요한 사료적 가치를 지닌 자료라고 할 수 있다. 구체적으로 《李寶臣紀功載政頌》의 ‘載政’ 부분은 안사의 난 발발 이듬해인 숙종 지덕 원재(756)부터 안사의 난 종식 이듬해인 대종 광덕 2년(764)까지 약 9년간에 걸친 이보신의 치적을 편년체로 기술하고 있는데, 이보신이 항주를 비롯한 인근 지역을 다스리면서 안사의 난 과정에서 발생한 폭도를 섬멸하고 폭우로 인한 수해 및 한해로 인한 기근 등의 재해를 해결하였으며 백성들에게 가혹한 부세를 징수하지 않는 등의 덕정을 베풀며 오로지 백성을 구제하고 민생을 안정시키며 지역의 안녕을 회복하고자 노력하였다고 한다. ‘德政 碑’라는 사료의 성격을 고려할 때 이보신의 치적을 분식·미화한 소지가 다분하지만, 그럼에도 불구하고 이러한 《李寶臣紀功載政頌》의 내용은 안사의 난 시기의 혼란한 시대적 상황에서도 이보신이 오직 관할 지역의 내정에만 주력하며 자신의 세력 기반을 공고히 구축함으로써 이후 하삭번진의 수위로 일컬어진 성덕번진의 토대를 마련한 양상의 일단을 보여준다고 할 수 있다. This paper analyzed the early internal rule of Chengde(成德) Fanzhen(藩鎭) during the late Tang Dynasty through the annotation on the Stele of Li Baochen(李寶臣). Li Baochen began to dominate Hengzhou(恒州) area in 756, shortly after the An-Shi Rebellion broke out, and surrendered to the Tang court in 762 to establish Chengde Fanzhen, one of the Three Fanzhen of Hebei(河朔三鎭) in the late Tang Dynasty. Around the time of the An-Shi Rebellion, The Stele of Li Baochen recorded the internal rule of Li Baochen’s Hengzhou region for about 9years from 756 to 764, which shows the internal rule pattern in the early days of the Chengde Fanzhen of the late Tang Dynasty. Although there are some beautification and exaggeration in the contents of the stele of Li Baochen due to its nature as a monument, it can be seen that during the An-Shi Rebellion, Li Baochen laid the foundation for the prosperity of Chengde Fanzhen by focusing on the internal rule of the jurisdiction and establishing his own power base.

호프스테더 문화의 양파모델을 활용한 문화유산 IP 기반 문화상품 분석 연구: 청더 피서산장을 중심으로

우영 ( Yu Ling ),정원준 ( Chung Won-jun ) 국제문화&예술학회 2025 국제문화예술 Vol.6 No.3

Purpose: This study aims to analyze cultural products and content based on cultural heritage IP, focusing on the Chengde Mountain Resort, utilizing Hofstede's Onion Model of Culture. Methods: The study applies Hofstede’s multilayered cultural model to evaluate the resort’s cultural characteristics and their representation in IP products. Results: In the symbols layer, products based on traditional architecture and relics were developed, but lacked multicultural elements and Manchu scripts. The heroes layer emphasized Emperor Qianlong, while neglecting other figures and storytelling opportunities. Rituals lacked originality, failing to attract tourists. The values layer connected cultural significance to modern values, but delivery strategies were insufficient. Conclusion: The study suggests incorporating multicultural elements, diversifying historical figures, creating original rituals, and enhancing storytelling to improve cultural IP development. Limitations include insufficient consumer perspectives and digital strategies.

安史의 亂과 成德節度使 李寶臣 —《李寶臣紀功載政頌》譯註 ⑴—

조재우 중국사학회 2024 중국사연구 Vol.- No.150

이 글에서는 현재 河北省 石家庄市 正定縣에 위치한 《唐代宗永泰二年(766)李寶臣紀功載政頌》의 ‘紀功’ 부분에 대한 석독과 역주를 통해 安史의 亂 시기(755~763) 반란 세력 휘하의 叛將 출신에서 두 차례에 걸쳐 당조로 귀순하여 이후 魏博·幽州藩鎭과 더불어 ‘河朔三鎭’의 일익을 형성한 成德藩鎭의 창건자 李寶臣(718~781)의 행적에 대해 분석하였다. 기공비로서의 성격을 가지고 있는 《李寶臣紀功載政頌》의 ‘紀功’ 부분에서는 안사의 난 시기 이보신이 불가피하게 반란에 가담할 수밖에 없었으나 그 본래의 충성과 덕성으로 결국 당조에 귀순하여 백성을 구제하고 지역의 평안을 회복하였다고 이보신의 행적을 분식·미화하고 있다. 그러나 이 글에서 분석하였듯이 이보신은 안사의 난 발발부터 종결까지 당군과 안사의 반란군 사이의 전황을 예의주시하며 네 차례에 걸쳐 당조와 안사의 반란 세력 사이에서 오직 자신의 지위 상승과 관하 세력의 보전만을 추구하였다. 그 결과 이보신은 현종 천보 연간(742~756) 변방의 일개 하급 군장에서 대종 보응 연간(762~763) 5주를 관할하고 5만의 병력을 보유하여 당시 하삭번진의 수위로 평가될 만큼 강성하였던 성덕번진의 절도사로 성장할 수 있었다. 안사의 난 시기 이러한 이보신의 행적은 당 후기 하삭에 할거하며 당조에 반독립적 태도를 견지한 채 오직 자신들의 권익만을 추구하였던 할거번진 절도사들의 전형이라 평가할 수 있다.