정현(鄭玄)의 참위이해(讖緯理解)와 그 사회·정치적 함의 - 감생제설과 우주생성론을 중심으로 -

박동인 ( Park Dong In ) (사)율곡연구원 2021 율곡학연구 Vol.44 No.-

The purpose of this study is to find out the understanding of Chen-Wei of ZhengXuan who lived in the end of East-Han dynasty and its socio-political mplications. My initial problem was that ZhengXuan, a great Confucian scholar who synthesized Han dynasty's New-Text and Old-Text Scholarships, why did he comment on scriptures with Chan-Wei-Shuo and the Chan-Wei-Books?“ This is because ZhengXuan's Chen-Wei comments and the understanding of Chen-Wei use seemed to be a factor in fading the Confucian of ZhengXuan. However, as a result of the study, it was discovered that ZhengXuan had a socio-political reason for annotating the scriptures with Chen-Wei and annotating the Chen-Wei books. First of all, ZhengXuan lived in a Confucian country where scriptures were used to determine national significance since the West-Han dynasty. However, it was because the contents of the scriptures alone could not actively respond to the diversifying social and political demands. And since WangMang, who founded the Xin dynasty as Chen-Wei, and GuangWuDi, who founded the East-Han dynasty, highly respected Chen-Wei, many people in the East-Han dynasty era, from the royal princes to the common people, have turned to Chen-Wei. Because it took precedence over the scriptures. This is because Chen-Wei-Shuo was more useful in persuading the people because the people respected Chen-Wei as Nei-Xue. In addition, as the young emperor repeatedly ascended the East-Handy era, relatives on their maternal side and eunuchs prevailed, and the people's livelihood was devastated by their tyranny. In ZhengXuan's view, Chan-Wei-Shuo was the most useful means to defend the absolute right of the emperor from the tyranny of the relatives on their maternal side and the eunuchs and to guarantee the legitimacy of Liu-Han dynasty's regime in this situation. This is the reason why ZhengXuan was interested in Gan-Sheng-Di-Shuo, Wu-Xing-Xiang-Shuo, and the cosmologies of Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun, which I dealt with in this text. In the Chen-Wei books, there are many unusual birth stories about the Shou-Ming monarch, the saint, and the teachers of the Shou-Ming monarch, and these are the birth stories of King FuXi, HuangDi, Yao, and Tang. Of course, the Chen-Wei books emphasized the unique birth story of these Shou-Ming monarchs to indirectly guarantee the legitimacy of Han-Gao-Zu Liu Bang's founding of Han dynasty and the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime's people's rule. The reason the birth of KongZi was mythized is because he saw that he devised the system for the Han dynasty. ZhengXuan used this Gan-Sheng-Di-Shuo from the Chen-Wei books as it was for his commentary on the scriptures. A representative example of this is the section of Mao-Shi「Shang-Song·Xuan-Niao」. While commenting on 「Shang-Song·Xuan-Niao」, ZhengXuan accepted the story of the birth of Xia(契), the progenitor of King Tang, based on Chan-Wei-Shuo, unlike Mao-Shuan. And, like Chan-Wei-Shuo, he recognized King Tang as a Shou-Ming monarch born in response to Hei-Di. This was because it became the logic to defend Wu-Xing-Xiang-Shuo, which was desperately requested by the government at the end of the East Han dynasty. Meanwhile, ZhengXuan also accepted Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan of Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du through Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du Shang and Xia. Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du fuses the cosmology of Taoism and Zhou-Yi to distinguish Tao-Yi from metaphysics and Tai-Chu(Qi), Tai-Shi(Xing), and Tai-Su(Zhi) from metaphysics. At that time, the Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun’s theory of cosmogenesis was used to mystify ‘Dao’, the first place of cosmic generation, to secure the absolute authority of the emperor corresponding to that position socially and politically. Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du applies this principle as it is, and by separating the seat of 'Tai-Yi' from the rest, it defends the absolute right of the emperor. This is the reason why ZhengXuan accepted Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun as originally intended in commenting on Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du. However, ZhengXuan did not stop there and reconstructed the logical process of universe creation much more precisely than Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du. Whereas Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du mentions only the numbers one, seven, and nine, which are Yang's numbers, ZhengXuan goes one step further, two(二), six(六) and eight (八) which are Yin’s numbers, are inferred. And by revealing that Qi(氣) is always operating in the undercurrent not only in the Tai-Chu state, but also in the stages of Tai-Shi(Xing) and Tai-Su(Zhi), all beings are created by the two Qi of Yin and Yang. Because it was discovered that they exist. In this way, Zhengxuan's Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du’s commentary can be evaluated as achieving both political and philosophical objectives.

論陳維崧“詞史觀”視野下的詞藝開拓

黃偉(Huang Wei),彭靜(Peng Jing) 중국어문학연구회 2021 중국어문학논집 Vol.- No.129

In the development map of Chinese classical Ci-poetry, Ci-poetry in the Qing Dynasty occupies an important position. Chen Wei-song played an important role in promoting the development of Ci-poetry in the Qing Dynasty. First of all, Chen Wei-song broke through the concept of “The poem is solemn and Ci-poetry is charming”and “ to amuse the guests and relax one"s mind”and put forward the great idea of “choosing words is to preserve words, that is, to preserve history.”.He elevated the Ci-poetry which is considered as “Xiao Dao”and “Shi Yu” by traditional scholars to a literary position of equal importance with the classics and history. Chen Wei-song"s admiration of Ci-poetry greatly promoted the continuous movement of Ci-poetry in Qing Dynasty. Secondly, Chen Wei-song invoked the poetic viewpoint of “An injustice makes an outcry”and “Poverty makes progress”.On the basis of respecting the style of writing, Chen Wei-song further emphasized the use of words to express the difficulties of times. Thirdly, Chen Wei-song"s aesthetic orientation was based on his proposition that he was not partial to one school in terms of aesthetic style. Finally, Chen Wei-song"s boldness and harshness of Ci-poetry lead to the evolution of the style of Ci-poetry in the early Qing Dynasty. Chen Wei-song has opened up a new frontier in the pioneering of Ci-poetry.

한대(漢代) 참위서(讖緯書)의 유가철학과 그 사회·정치적 함의

박동인 ( Park Dong-in ) 한국동서철학회 2019 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.92

The purpose of this paper is to explore Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books in the Han dynasty, and to find the social and political implications that it reveals. The study is needed because the Chen-wei books contain ideas for solving the problems of the times. And topics that are lacking or not sufficient in scripture are discussed in more depth. As a result of this study, the Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books was discovered to have the following characteristics: The Chen-wei books were a mixture of those who wanted to deny the legitimacy of the Han dynasty and those who wanted to defend it. The forces that tried to deny it went in the direction of denying the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime and defending the emergence of new forces by pursuing the theory of sensation between heaven and man (天人感應說) since Dong Zhong-Shu and insisting on ‘the theory of Hán-Wen (寒溫說: Han-Wen-Shuo). They also laid the theoretical foundation for a new force to emerge through Qi-monolithic cosmology. But this is a natural consequence of the incompetence, deviation, and the various Zaiyi of the West-Han regime at the time. However, those who wanted to defend the legitimacy of the Han dynasty wanted to meet the political needs of the emperor and the vested interests around the emperor as well as the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime through Shou-Mìng-Zhi-Fu (受命之符), the Dao and Qi dualistic cosmology, the theory of Gua-Qi (卦氣說: Gua-Qi-Shuo) and other means. Because Shou-Ming-Zhi-Fu defended the legitimacy of the Han dynasty by mystifying Gao-Zu of Han Liu-Bang's teacher, Zhang-Liang (張良). Also because the Dao and Qi dualistic cosmology was strengthening the order of the feudal class as Cosmogony by subdividing its creation process from the substance of a metaphysical’s Tài-Yi (太易) to the matter of a physical’s Tai-Chu (太初), Tai-Shi (太始) and Tai-Su (太素). And it is because the theory of Gua-Qi was more active in meeting the political demands of the then ruling circles by connecting nature and personnel more closely by mystifying it, than that of the existing Meng-Xi and Jing-Fang. In view of this, the Chen-wei books, except for the theory of Han-Wen and the Qi-monolithic cosmology designed to quickly end the harsh environment of the end of the West-Han dynasty, served as a champion of the Liu-Han regime and its vested interests. The Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books can be assessed as having a strong political inclination. Because the theory of Chen-wei was formed due to the need to pursue the characteristic of arbitrary interpretation of New-Text Scholarship in an extreme manner and respond more actively to the socio-political needs of the ruling.

陈澕对王维诗风的接受研究

김창경 동북아시아문화학회 2017 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.51

A Study on the Acceptance of Wang Wei 's Poetic Style by Chen He Kim, Chang-Gyeong As the representative of the nobility literati in Koryo(高麗) dynasty, Chen He(陳澕)'s literary works showed a remarkable picture of the change of the old literati, and his poems showed the overall image of the “clear(淸)” character, emphasized the “Painting-in-Poetry(诗 中有画)” of the shape and mind mood, and particularly valued the use of “Rectitude(逸气)” at the time of creation. These are the characteristics of Wang Wei’s poetic style. Chen Yu on the acceptance of Wang Wei’s poetic style, on the one hand was the development of poetry in the self-understanding and integration of the move, on the other hand also wanted to take Wang Wei’s “elegant landscape poetry” to express their own chest, to pursue the desire for the ideal social innovation. His poems, are some lyrical, are some freehand, are some seeking the artistic beauty, are some looking for rational thinking. Moreover he melted these things in his poetry. This is both the development of literary works and the need for integration, but also the background of the times and the humanistic mapping of the historical process.

陈澕对王维诗风的接受研究

金昌?(Kim, Chang-Gyeong) 동북아시아문화학회 2017 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.51

As the representative of the nobility literati in Koryo(高麗) dynasty, Chen He(陳澕)"s literary works showed a remarkable picture of the change of the old literati, and his poems showed the overall image of the “clear(淸)” character, emphasized the “Painting-in-Poetry(诗中有画)” of the shape and mind mood, and particularly valued the use of “Rectitude(逸气)” at the time of creation. These are the characteristics of Wang Wei’s poetic style. Chen Yu on the acceptance of Wang Wei’s poetic style, on the one hand was the development of poetry in the self-understanding and integration of the move, on the other hand also wanted to take Wang Wei’s “elegant landscape poetry” to express their own chest, to pursue the desire for the ideal social innovation. His poems, are some lyrical, are some freehand, are some seeking the artistic beauty, are some looking for rational thinking. Moreover he melted these things in his poetry. This is both the development of literary works and the need for integration, but also the background of the times and the humanistic mapping of the historical process.

한국역학사 서술을 위한 일본역학사 연구 고찰과 제언 ― 吳偉明과 陳威瑨의 연구를 중심으로 ―

김동진 동양철학연구회 2024 동양철학연구 Vol.118 No.-

일본과 해외의 학자들이 일본 근세 유학자들의 역학사상에 주목하기 시작한 것은 비교적 최근의 일로, 일본역학사에 대한 체계적인 서술은 일본 자국의 연구자가 아닌 해외 연구자들에 의해 이루어진 상황이다. 본 논문에서는 그 대표적 성과인 응와이밍(吳偉明)의 易學對德川日本的影響 과 천웨이진(陳威瑨)의 日本江戶時代儒家≪易≫學硏究 를 중심으로 일본역학사 연구의 특징을 살펴보았다. 그들의 연구는 에도시대에 국한되기는 하지만 현재로서는 일본역학사에 관한 가장 체계적이며 특색 있는 연구라 할 수 있다. 그들의 연구는 일본역학사를 서로 다른 관점과 연구방법론을 바탕으로 서술하고 있기 때문에 한국역학사 서술과 관련해서 유용한 본보기로 활용할 수 있다. 양자의 특징을 간략히 설명하자면, 응와이밍의 연구는 지성사, 문화사적 관점에서 접근한 것이고 천웨이진의 연구는 경학사, 철학사적 관점에서 접근한 것이다. 본 논문에서는 이에 대한 고찰을 통해 한국역학사 서술과 관련해서 다음과 같은 시사점을 도출하였다. 첫째는 역학사의 접근방식이다. 둘째는 새로운 연구관점이다. 셋째는 한국역학 저작들에 대한 목록학적 고찰이다. 넷째는 한국역학사의 외연 확장이다. It was relatively recent that Japanese and foreign researchers began to pay attention to the philosophical thoughts of Japanese Confucian scholars on the I-Ching in the Edo period, and systematic descriptions of the Japanese history of I-Ching was made by foreign researchers, not Japanese researchers. This paper examines Wai-ming Ng(吳偉明)‘s The I Ching in Tokugawa Thought and Culture(易學對德川日本的影響) and Wei-jin Chen(陳威瑨)’s I Ching and Japanese Confucianism in the Edo Period(日本江戶時代儒家≪易≫學硏究), which are representative achievements. Although their studies are limited to the Edo period, it can be said to be the most systematic and distinctive study on the Japanese history of I-Ching at present. Because they described the Japanese history of I-Ching based on different perspectives and research methodologies, they can be used as a useful model in relation to the description of the Korean history of I-Ching. To briefly explain the characteristics of both, Ng Wai-ming's study was approached from the perspective of intellectual history and cultural history, while Chen Wei-jin's study was approached from the perspective of the history of Confucianism and philosophy. In this paper, through consideration of both, the following practical implications were derived in relation to the description of Korean history of I-Ching. The first is the approach methodology of the history of I-Ching. The second is a new research perspective. The third is a cataloguing review of Korean I-Ching works. The fourth is the expansion of the scope of research.

고려시대의 재이론과 사상 간의 다원적 교섭

최봉준 한국중세사학회 2024 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.76

This article aims to identify how the Goryeo society perceived the relationship between nature and human beings through the theory of portents of the Goryeo period, and to elucidate the setting of the relationship between ideas in society. The term jaeyi(災異) refers to both natural disasters and anomalies of phenomenon, and the theory of portents refers to a system of thought that attempts to explain abnormal natural phenomena through multiple theories. Disasters were understood to be harbingers of future disasters and political upheavals. In East Asia, many theories have been mobilized and combined over the course of history to deal with calamities, such as the Yin-Yang Five Elements, the Chen-wei Theory(讖緯說), and astrology, based on Confucianism’s theory of predestination and natural selection. In the the Goryeo Dynasty, while continuing this tradition of the theory of portents, it also interacted with Buddhism and Taoism, and can be considered a type of coexistence of Buddhist and folk beliefs under a pluralistic thought landscape. In the end, we can say that the theory of portents of the Goryeo period exists within the framework of Confucian political ideology, but on the other hand, it serves as a place where various ideological currents such as Buddhism, Taoism, and folk beliefs meet and negotiate.

李善注《文選》引《論語讖》芻議

오상금 중국인문학회 2025 중국인문과학 Vol.- No.90

In his study A Study on the Transmission of the Texts of the Lunyu Chen, Geng Zhanchao points out: “The Lunyu Chen cited in Li Shan’s annotations in the Wen Xuan consists of eight sections, which presumably derive from a privately held manuscript collection, differing from the official fixed edition of ten volumes. Moreover, each section is referred to as a ‘Chen’, which contrasts with the official designation of the Lunyu Wei in government archives. This indicates that the privately circulated Lunyu Chen during the Tang dynasty retained its original form.” From this, it is evident that Li Shan’s annotated version of the Lunyu Chen constitutes an important source for understanding the original shape of the Lunyu Chen within extant literature. Based on the author’s investigation, there exist naming discrepancies among the eight Lunyu Chen texts cited by Li Shan. It is therefore suggested that in the current edition of Li Shan’s Wen Xuan, the title Lunyu Kaobi Chen (論語考比讖) be renamed Lunyu Bigao Chen (论语比考讖), Lunyu Chifu Xiang Chen (論語摛輔像讖) be renamed Lunyu Zhai Fu Xiang Chen (論語摘輔像讖), and Lunyu Zhai Xiang Sheng Cheng Jin Chen (論語摘襄聖承進讖) be renamed Lunyu Zhai Shuai Sheng Cheng Jin Chen (論語摘衰 聖承進讖). Furthermore, with regard to the Lunyu Chen texts cited by Li Shan, aside from a few entries, the majority do not appear in Tang dynasty classics’ commentaries, historical annotations, or categorized bibliographies. This suggests that Li Shan likely did not rely on earlier categorized bibliographies but rather referenced the then-popular prophetic and exegetical texts, specifically the annotated version of the Lunyu Chen by Song Jun.

진단의 도교 사상이 자미두수 형성 체계에 미친 영향 연구

김미정 영산대학교 동양문화연구원 2026 동양문화연구 Vol.44 No.-

본 연구는 송대(宋代) 도교의 거두인 진단(陳摶)의 상수학적 우주관과 내단(內丹) 사상이 자미두수(紫微斗數)의 형성 체계에 미친 영향을 규명하는 데 목적이 있다. 자미두수는 단순한 점술적 기법을 넘어, 진단이 정립한 무극(無極)과 태극(太極)의 원리, 그리고 하도(河圖)와 낙서(洛書)의 수리적 체계가 투영된 정교한 철학적 시스템이다. 연구 결과, 첫째, 자미두수의 허성(虛星) 체계는 실재하는 행성의 물리적 영향력이 아닌 우주의 기(氣)의 흐름과 도교적 성신(星神) 신앙이 결합한 결과임을 확인하였다. 둘째, 명반의 12궁 배치와 안성 원리는 진단의 내단 수련 및 양생법과 깊은 상관성을 지니며, 이는 인간의 운명을 천인합일(天人合一)의 관점에서 파악하려는 도교적 통찰의 산물이다. 셋째, 진단의 사상은 현대 사회에서 자미두수가 단순한 운명 결정론을 넘어 자기 성찰과 마음챙김(Mindfulness)을 위한 주체적 자기 경영 도구로 활용될 수 있는 이론적 근거를 제공한다. 본 고는 자미두수의 형성 기저에 깔린 도교 철학의 엄밀성을 고찰함으로써 술수학의 학술적 위상을 제고하고자 하였으며, 향후 14주성(主星)의 상징성을 역사적⋅신화적 인물과 연결하여 인물학적 담론으로 확장하는 박사학위 연구의 토대를 마련하고자 한다. This study aims to investigate the influence of the cosmological views and Inner Alchemy (Neidan) of Chen Tuan (希夷 陳摶), a prominent figure in Song Dynasty Taoism, on the formation system of Zi Wei Dou Shu (紫微斗數). Zi Wei Dou Shu is more than a mere divinatory technique; it is a sophisticated philosophical system that embodies the principles of "Wuji" (無極) and "Taiji" (太極), along with the numerical systems of "Hetu" (河圖) and "Luoshu" (洛書) established by Chen Tuan. The findings of this research are as follows. First, the "Virtual Star" (虛星) system in Zi Wei Dou Shu is a result of integrating Taoist astral deity beliefs with the flow of "Qi" (氣), rather than physical planetary influences. Second, the arrangement of the twelve palaces and the principles of star placement are closely correlated with Chen Tuan’s methods of Inner Alchemy and health cultivation (養生), reflecting a Taoist insight that seeks to understand human destiny through the "Unity of Heaven and Man" (天人合一). Third, Chen Tuan’s thought provides a theoretical foundation for utilizing Zi Wei Dou Shu as a proactive tool for self-management and mindfulness in modern society, transcending simple fatalism. By examining the rigor of Taoist philosophy underlying the formation of Zi Wei Dou Shu, this study seeks to enhance the academic status of traditional technical arts (Sulsu). Furthermore, it establishes a scholarly basis for a future doctoral dissertation that will expand into a humanistic discourse by linking the symbolism of the 14 Major Stars with historical and mythological figures.

蘇軾詞와 以詩爲詞論

박홍준 한국중국학회 2020 중국학보 Vol.91 No.-

본고는 以詩爲詞라는 용어가 시대에 따라 그 의미가 현저하게 달라지는 이유가 무엇인지 살펴보면서, 그 문제점과 해결책에 대해 고민한 결과이다. 본래 陳師道에 의해 以詩爲詞라는 말이 처음 사용되었을 때에는 ‘詩’의 의미가 音律에 맞지 않는 가사라는 뜻으로 쓰였다. 하지만 南宋 이후 詞의 音樂이 失傳되면서 以詩爲詞의 의미는 詩의 방법으로 지어진 詞라는 뜻으로 사용되기 시작했다. 以詩爲詞라는 말의 의미가 이처럼 큰 편차를 보이는 이유는 詩와 詞의 관계를 보는 시각의 차이 때문이다. 즉 陳師道의 경우는 詞는 音樂과 결합한 가사이므로 詩와 詞는 전혀 다른 것으로 파악한 반면, 후대에는 音樂이 실전되어 詩와 詞를 동일한 시가로 취급하였기 때문이다. 또한 후자의 의미, 즉 詩와 詞를 동일한 시가로 취급하는 경우에도 그 의미가 명확하게 규정되어 있는 것이 아니기 때문에 다르게 해석될 수 있는 여지가 너무 크다. 즉 詩로써 詞를 쓴다고 하였을 때 詩를 어떻게 이해할 것인가 하는 것은 지나치게 모호한 개념이어서 시대에 따라서 혹은 개인에 따라서 달라질 수 있는 여지가 상당하다. 또한 詩의 題材나 風格이 詞에 동일하게 적용될 수 있는 경우는 극히 드물며, 詞는 詩에 비해 제재가 협소하고 풍격이 완약한 특징을 모든 시대에 걸쳐 두루 지니고 있다. 따라서 詞의 音樂이 사라졌다고 해도, 詞의 형식과 내용에 새겨진 詞 고유의 특징들은 마치 생명체의 DNA처럼 영원히 사라지지 않고 남아 있는 것이다. 蘇軾의 경우를 보아도 蘇軾의 詞와 蘇軾의 詩는 다루는 제재의 범위나 그 내용의 깊이, 그리고 풍격에 있어서 현저한 차이를 보여주고 있다. 이러한 점을 종합적으로 고려한다면, 以詩爲詞라는 용어는 이제 그 용도가 폐기되어야 할 것으로 보인다. 즉 시대에 따라 그 의미가 정반대로 해석된다는 점, 한 가지 의미 안에서도 어느 하나로 그 의미를 확정하기 힘들다는 점 그리고 실제 詩와 詞를 비교했을 때 그것이 동일하게 창작되거나 감상되는 경우가 없다는 점 등을 두루 살펴볼 때 오해의 소지만 있는 以詩爲詞라는 용어는 사용하지 않는 편이 좋을 것 같다. 본고에서는 이를 위해 문사론이라는 용어의 사용을 제안하는 바이며, 향후 학계의 논의와 질정을 바라는 바이다. This paper looked at why the term yi-shi-wei-ci has changed meaning significantly from time to time, and thought about its problems and solutions. Originally, when the word yi-shi-wei-ci was first used by Jinsado, the meaning of the poem was used to mean lyrics that were not in tune with the sound. But as the music of the Ci went live after Southern Song, the meaning of yi-shi-wei-ci began to be used as the meaning of Ci written by the poem. The reason why the meaning of the word yi-shi-wei-ci is so different is because of the difference in views between the two sides. In other words, Jinsado's case is a lyric that combines the music, so he figured that it is completely different from poetry. But in later generations music was disappeared, poetry and ci were treated as the same kind of poetry. In addition, there is too much room for different interpretations of the latter meaning, which is that it is not clearly defined when the latter meaning is treated at the same kind of poetry. In other words, how to understand poetry when it comes to writing ci as a poem is too vague a notion that there is considerable room for it to vary from time to time or from individual to individual. In addition, it is very rare for a poem to be equally applicable to its ci, and it has characteristics throughout all its time that the ci’s material and style are small and weak compared to those of poem in general. Thus, even if the music of ci has disappeared, the unique characteristics that inscribed in the form and content of ci are not lost forever, just like the DNA of living things. Even in the case of Su-shi, the ci and poetry of Su-shi show a marked difference in the scope of sanctions covered, the depth of their content, and the windfall. Taking this into account, the term yi-shi-wei-ci now appears to have to be scrapped. In other words, it would be better not to use the term yi-shi-wei-ci, which is misleading when looking at the fact that its meaning is interpreted in the opposite direction according to the times, that it is difficult to determine its meaning in one meaning, and that it is not possible to create or appreciate the same thing when comparing poem and ci. Therefore, this paper propose the use of the term 'wen-ci-lun' for this purpose, and I hope that the academic community will discuss and correct it in the future.