1797년 제주인 ‘이방익 표류행적’의 콘텐츠 활용 방안 : 한국·대만 해양문화교류 콘텐츠를 중심으로

신춘호(Shin, Chun-ho) 한국고지도연구학회 2020 한국고지도연구 Vol.12 No.1

동아시아 해역에서 빈번하게 발생했던 ‘표류(漂流)’는 해양문화를 이해하는 주요한 일면이다. 본고는 연암 박지원의 『연암집』에 수록된 제주인 이방익(李邦翼, 1757~1801) 표류에 관한 ‘서이방익사(書李邦翼事)’의 기록을 참고하여 이방익 일행이 대만의 대남부에 머무르는 동안 경험했던 ‘심문-환대-전별-송환’의 과정과 문화접촉 양상을 파악하였다. 표류 과정에서 표류인이 경험한 심문과 송환은 공적 영역의 송환체계를 통하여 이루어졌다. 해상표류와 송환과정은 전통시대 타국을 경험한 독특한 기회였기에 당대인의 타자 인식의 기회로 작용하였다. 본고는 이러한 표류기록의 가치에 주목하여 표류인이 경험한 타문화접촉 과정의 정황을 재해석하여 한국·대만간 전통시대 문화교류의 일면과 현대적 확장 가능성을 파악하고자 한다. ‘Drift(漂流),’ which had occurred frequently in the East-Asia sea area, is the major aspect of understanding maritime culture. This study referred to the record of ‘Seoyibangiksa(書李邦翼事)’ regarding the drift of Yi Bang-ik(李邦翼, 1757~1801) as a resident of Jeju, which was included in Yeonam Park Ji-won s 『Yeonanjib(燕巖集)』, thereby being able to understand the process of ‘Interrogation - hospitality - transfer - repatriation’ that the Yi Bang-ik party had experienced during a stay in Daenambu(臺南府) of Taiwan. The interrogation and repatriation that a castaway had experienced in the drifting process, were made through a system of repatriation in the public sphere. The oceanic drift and the repatriation process corresponded to a unique opportunity of having experienced other country in the traditional era, thereby having functioned as a chance to recognize others in people of their time. This study aims to grasp one side of cultural exchange in the traditional era between Korea and Taiwan, and the modern extensibility through reinterpreting circumstances of other cultural contact course that a drifter experienced, with paying attention to the value of this drifting record.

李邦翼 『漂海錄』 속의 漂流民과 海域 세계

김강식(Kim, Kang-Sik) 효원사학회 2019 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.55

조선후기에 청나라의 福建省 澎湖島에 표류했다가 돌아와서 『漂海錄』을 남긴 李邦翼의 가문은 星州李氏로 제주도에 세거해 온 武人 가문이다. 이방익은 충장장으로 있을 때인 1796년 9월 제주 앞바다에서 풍랑을 만나 표류하여 청나라의 복건성 팽호도에 표착하여 臺灣·廈門·浙江·江南·北京·義州를 거쳐 1797년 윤6월 20일에 한성에 도착하였다. 그는 국문으로 「漂海歌」를 지었으며, 『漂海錄』을 남겼다. 현재 이들 기록과 관련되는 다양한 자료들이 남아 있다. 이방익 일행은 복건성 팽호도에 표착한 이후 청나라에서 問情을 받은 후 인도적인 구호조처를 받으면서 북경으로 이송되었다. 이 과정에서 현지인들과 접촉하면서 청나라의 이국문화를 접할 수 있었다. 대화는 이방익이 한자를 알고 있어서 가능했는데, 그는 귀국 후에 正祖의 관심으로 그동안 기록해 두었던 자료를 토대로 표류 과정을 기록으로 남겼다. 이방익이 표류한 해역은 제주에서 臺灣에 이르는 동아시아해역이었는데, 그의 일행은 대만을 거쳐 복건성 하문으로 건너가 청나라에 상륙하였다. 이후 청나라의 대륙을 거쳐 北京에 도착하여 머물다가 의주를 거쳐 귀국할 수 있었다. 이방익은 귀국 과정에 의주에서 받은 심문에서 표류 과정에 대해서 진술하였으며, 이때 소지품도 검열당하였다. 당시의 소지 품목은 대부분 청나라에서 구호품으로 받은 것이었지만, 자신들의 물품과 교환한 것도 있었다. 이방익 일행의 표류민 송환은 청나라와 조선의 송환체제가 작동하여 원활하게 이루어졌다. 이방익이 남긴 「漂海歌」와 『漂海錄』을 통해서 조선에서 동아시아해역에 속한 대만으로 표류하는 경우 청의 육로를 통해서 송환되었음을 알 수 있다. 이러한 표류를 통해서 대만과 청의 江南에 대한 문물을 알 수 있는 소중한 기회가 되기도 했다. In the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, Lee Bang-Ig left after drifting in the of the Qing Dynasty and leaving Drifting record(漂海錄) is the family of Lee who had been living in Jeju Island. In September 1796, when he was a chief of Chungjang, he drifted in the sea off Jeju Island and arrived at Hansung(漢城) on June 20, 1797 via Penghu Island, Taiwan, Xiamen, Fujian, Zhejiang, Beijing, Uiju(義州), Hansung. He wrote Song of the Sea(漂海歌) in Korean and left Drifting record(漂海錄). Currently, various data related to these records remain. After landing on Paengho Island, Lee Bang-Ig and his party were taken to Beijing for humanitarian relief after asking for a favor in the Qing Dynasty. During this process, we were able to encounter the foreign cultures of the Qing Dynasty while contacting the locals. Conversations were possible because Lee Bang-Ig knew Chinese characters. He recorded the drifting process based on the interrogation process and the data he had kept on record after returning home due to Jeongjo(正祖)"s interest. The Sea area where the Lee Bang-Ig drifted were the Sea area of East Asia, from Jeju to Taiwan, which then crossed to the Xiamen of Fujian and landed on land in the Qing Dynasty. After that, he arrived in Beijing via the mainland of the Qing Dynasty and stayed there before returning home via Uiju. Lee Bang-Ig testified about the process and drift in the interrogation he received in Uiju on his return home, and his belongings were also censored. Some of the items were received as relief goods from the Qing Dynasty, but others were exchanged for their own. The repatriation of Lee Bang-Ig and his party was smoothly carried out due to the operational repatriation system of the Qing Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty. Lee Bang-Ig"s Song of the Sea and Drifting record indicate that he had been repatriated via Qing Dynasty if he drifted from Joseon to Taiwan, which is part of East Asian Sea area. Through these seals, it was a valuable opportunity to learn about Taiwan and the culture of Qing.

제주표류인 이방익의 노정에 관한 지리고증

권무일 제주학회 2019 濟州島硏究 Vol.52 No.-

The purpose of this essay is to study historical evidence on Lee Bang-ik’s long journey across China for nine months after he was cast away on the coast of China. This historical research is mainly based on close examination of the literature such as Pyohaerok and Pyohaega written by Lee Bang-ik, and Seobangeeiksa by Park Jee-Won, and also conducted by exploring the historic sites mentioned in the literature. Lee Bang-ik (1757~1801) who was in government service visited Bukchon-li in Jeju Island on September 1796 in order to move the grave of his mother at Udo Island. On the way back, he and his group encountered a storm and was adrift. After sixteen days of drift, they finally arrived at Penghu Island on the coast of Taiwan, and was interrogated by the government official. But Lee gallantly told them about his position in Chosun as a public official, and as a result was treated as such. After that, his group were transferred to Xiamen in China and were praised by Chinese people for participating in Zhuzi auditorium. They were so warmly welcomed by local people wherever they go, and some Chinese people liked their clothes. They also walked across Xianxialing, the border between Fujian and Zhejian, and also visited scenic spots. And also they stop by famous temples in Hanzhou and Sujou. Lee reported what he had experienced to the King Jeongjo, who was very impressed by all this. But Park Jee Won thought that Lee’s testimony was not correct in many respects, and tried to confirm Lee’s testimony, on the basis of some Chinese literature. Pyohaega and Pyohaerok) are the essays Lee wrote about his experiences in China. The latter contains more detailed and substantial information than the former. But still there are many parts that are hard to understand for many reasons. Our research team followed Lee Bang-Ik’s journey, and supplemented our research data through correspondence with some Chinese scholars and their works. Eventually, I found out that Lee Bang-Ik’s essays are closer to the truth than Park Jee-Won’s essay. 본 논문은 9개월간의 표류에서 돌아온 이방익이 쓴 「표해록」과 「표해가」 그리고 「박지원」의 「서이방익사」를 근간으로 하여 그가 중국에 표착하여 거친 노정을, 필자 등이 답사하여 고증함에 의미가 있다. 충장위장(정3품) 이방익(1757-1801)은 1796년 9월 휴가를 얻어 고향 제주 북촌리를 찾았는데 우도에 묻힌 모친 묘의 완장을 위해서였다. 그는 일행 7명과 더불어 우도에 다녀오다가 폭풍을 만나 표류하게 되었다. 그들은 16일간 표류한 끝에 대만해협의 팽호도에 닿았고 대만에 이송되어 심문을 받았다. 이방익은 당당하게 자신의 관직을 털어놓았고 상응한 대우를 이끌어냈다. 그는 중국의 하문으로 이송되었는데 주자서원에 참예함으로써 중국인들의 칭송을 받았다. 이방익 일행은 가는 곳마다에서 주민들의 환영을 받았는데 특히 그들이 입은 옷을 보고 반가워하는 사람들을 만난 경우도 있다. 이방익 등은 복건성‧절강성의 경계인 선하령을 넘었고 가는 길에 유명한 명승지를 편답했고 항주와 소주에서는 유명한 사찰을 찾기도 하였다. 이방익은 자신이 다닌 노정과 경험담을 정조에게 보고했는데 이는 정조에게 신선한 충격이었다. 박지원은 이방익이 말한 것이 두서가 없고 틀린 것이 많다고 전제하고 중국문헌을 검토하여 이방익이 언급한 장소를 일일이 고증하려 했다. 한편 이방익은 자신의 경험담을 썼는데 「표해가」와 「표해록」이다. 전자는 운문적 필체라 상세기록이 적지만 후자는 기행문이라 기록이 보다 풍성하다. 그러나 지명을 기록하지 않았거나 기록이 꼼꼼하지 않고 오기하는 등 이해하기 어려운 부분이 많았다. 필자 등은 중국 탐방단을 조직하여 이방익이 걸어간 길을 걸었고 현지 학자들과의 대화 및 향토사학자들의 저서를 통하여 내용을 보충했다. 필자는 문헌을 참조하여 쓴 박지원의 글보다 이방익의 글이 진실에 가까운 점을 발견했다.

청조(淸朝) 대만(臺灣) 영유 결정의 해양사적 고찰 ― 명말(明末) 청초(淸初) 팽호(澎湖)의 지정학적 위상 변화를 중심으로 ―

蔡暻洙 ( Chae¸ Kyung-soo ) 명청사학회 2021 명청사연구 Vol.- No.55

This research trace the island named Peng-hu(澎湖), in terms of what kind of geopolitical position it had, and how its status has changed in the turbulent maritime world during the mid 16th century to the late 17th century, especially with consideration given to the relations with Taiwan(臺灣). Until the middle of the Ming Dynasty, Peng-hu was an island that place on the marginal edge of the empire territory, and it was virtually abandoned place due to the Hong-wu(洪武) emperor’s emptying islands policy. Naturally, there was a little traffic with ‘barbaric island’-Taiwan. However, the Peng-hu’s geopolitical stature had risen drastically on the effects of ‘Late wokou(後期倭寇)’ and ‘the open of Hai-cheng harbor (海澄開港)’ after the mid and late 16th century. Ever since, Peng-hu achieved recognition and functioned as a critical point to link the northern and the southern sea routes. Such importance was directly related to the maritime security issues caused by Wokou and the overseas trade opportunity with Manila. In 1622, VOC tried to occupy Peng-hu, and the Ming firmly took determined action in response. Such event clearly shows the rise of the geopolitical importance of the Peng-hu, where two critical factors overlapped - security concerns and trade opportunities. VOC’s aim was to obstruct the Spain-Manila trade route by occupying Peng-hu. The Ming empire actively responded against security threats and the trade damage that could cause by losing of Peng-hu. The confrontation was concluded by which VOC decided to give up Peng-hu and establish a new basement in southwestern Taiwan. The VOC’s colonization of Taiwan pushed up this barbaric island to the front stage of the world’s history. Meanwhile, Peng-hu had lost the focus of the public attention for a while. The Zheng regime(鄭氏勢力) conquest Taiwan quite easily, thanks to VOC, which had abandoned Peng-hu. Such a lesson has accepted seriously by both the Zheng regime and the Qing empire. That is why the military confrontation between the Zheng regime and the Qing empire had formed around Peng-hu. Because both regimes recognized the meaning of occupying Peng-hu, as almost the same as Conquest Taiwan. The naval battle of Peng-hu in 1683 was not just an opening stage battle but a pitched battle, in which both sides poured every available resource. Thus, the balance of power tilted toward the Qing empire, when Shi Lang(施瑯)’s fleet defeated Zheng’s fleet and occupied Peng-hu. In the early moment, the interest of the Qing empire for Taiwan was on the ‘people’ rather than the ‘territory’. Nevertheless, the two major contributors of the Taiwan Conquest - Shi Lang and Yao Qi-sheng(姚啓聖) emphasized with one voice the necessity of possessing Taiwan. Among them, Shi Lang sent a memorial called Gong Chen Tai Wan Qi Liu Shu(恭陳臺灣棄留疏), in which Shi Lang argued the imperativeness of terrorizing Taiwan through the history of the last century. Although Shi Lang appealed that Taiwan was an essential military strategical foothold for pacifying coastal provinces, at the same time, he also showed that Peng-hu still remained as a critical point in the new defense system. Shi Lang’s Memorial reveals the geopolitical importance of Peng-hu, which had privileged for the last century, has begun to intertwine with the new rising geographical context - Taiwan.

네덜란드동인도회사의 팽호 점거 시도와 좌절(1622-1624)

채경수(Chae, Kyung-soo) 동양사학회 2024 동양사학연구 Vol.169 No.-

This paper analyzes the attempts of Dutch East India Company’s (VOC) to expand into the Pescadores from 1622 to 1624 and how the Ming Dynasty’s counterattacks thwarted these efforts.<BR/> The VOC attempted to occupy the Pescadores with three strategic objectives. The first was to secure a trading base to open the Chinese market, the second was to neutralize the trade network of its competitor, Spain, and the third was to secure the labor lacking in Batavia.<BR/> The expedition unfolded in two phases. The first phase was the assault on Macao, and the second was the assault on the Pescadores. The assault on the Pescadores was not an alternative to the failed Macao assault; rather, it was a fundamental part of the plan that would proceed regardless of the success or failure of the Macao operation. Following the failure of Macao assault, the successful occupation of the Pescadores became a crucial factor in determining the success or failure of the expedition.<BR/> The Batavian government and Cornelis Reijersen, the commander of the expedition, were confident in the occupation of the Pescadores and the opening of the Chinese market. This was because they believed that the Ming Dynasty’s maritime defenses were very weak and that there was a strong desire for trade among Chinese merchants. However, the situation at the time was different from their expectations. Chinese merchants were skeptical of trading with the VOC, and the Ming forces possessed both the willingness and the capability to defend the Pescadores, an important military stronghold, against the VOC.<BR/> Contrary to expectations, when negotiations did not proceed smoothly, Reijersen attempted to extract concessions from the Ming Dynasty through active military projection. However, this backfired, prompting the Ming Dynasty to shift its approach from diplomatic negotiations to military retaliation. Reijersen and the Batavian government also anticipated that negotiations would fail and that they would ultimately achieve their objectives through war. However, they did not foresee that the Ming Dynasty would proactively mobilize its military forces to recapture the Pescadores.<BR/> The Ming command was aware of their military inferiority. The key to success was for the Ming landing troops to reach the Pescadores without being intercepted by the VOC fleet. Familiar with the geography of the Pescadores, the Ming forces completed an encirclement through cautious troop maneuvers over six months. Faced with the threat of being starved into submission within the encirclement, the VOC expeditionary force had no choice but to abandon the Pescadores and relocate their base to Taiwan. The opening of the Chinese market also became a distant prospect.

네덜란드 동인도회사의 기록을 통해 본 明末의 貿易構造― 1620년대 月港 무역의 변화와 澎湖事件 ―

한지선 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

In the early 17th century, The Ming Dynasty had two gates for commerce, but one was only for the Chinese while the other was controled by Portugal. The rule that no trade was allowed in any Chinese area without permission was equated with taboo to the Dutch. However, the fact that the Dutch withdrew from Penghu did not mean that the Ming Dynasty can control over costal area. Behind the conflict between VOC and government officials, there was negotiation on commerce. However, negotiations with the officials did not have constant binding power and might change according to the situation as they were temporary. Xunfu(巡撫) Nan, Ju-yi(南居益) negated what had been negotiated and prohibited trade with the Dutch. Nam Geo-Ik insisted on exclusive rights over the territory, besides he intended to secure a sea route to Manila and protect trading rights in Yue-xiang(月港) to maintain overseas trade. Although administrative or military officers stuck to the principles in political or military terms, they tried to find peaceful measures rather than military solutions. This direction was decided on through adjusting to interests in overseas trade. Meanwhile, merchants who were engaged in overseas trade had serious losses due to the Hai-jin(海禁) and the violent rambles of VOC. So they sought peace between them. In particular, Li, Dan(李旦) was charged with finding a way for diplomacy and commerce between VOC and Chinese officials, and mediated conflicts between them. Also Xu, Xin-Su (許心素) gained a position as an official in Taiwan trade, served as a mediator for non-tribute countries and secured trade space through creating a new trade custom.

타이완에 있어서 자유도시의 발전과 관련한 법률적 문제

사지붕 제주대학교 법과정책연구원 2012 법과 정책 Vol.18 No.2

台灣本島處於歐美與亞太地區連接之橋樑位置, 具有海、空轉運便利之優勢,與新加坡、香港及上海等重要隣近地區相較, 台灣與亞太地區主要港口及西太平洋主要城市間之平均航行時間最短,倂且具有高科技産業技術與硏發能力,通關行政作業亦甚爲進步,如能結合自由貿易港市之功能設計,當可創造物流轉運及産品高附加價稙加工之利基,充分提升台灣之國際競爭力,實現全球運籌中心之政策目標. 目前台灣現有及計畵中之經濟特區呈多樣性,有保稅工廠、保稅倉庫、加工出口區、科學園區、國際物流中心、農業生物科技園區以及自由貿易港區等類型,雖各有其依據之法律規範,但在現行之法律制度下,成功發展者有之,然亦不乏成效不彰者,究其原因,除客觀經濟條件未完備外,不健全的法律制度難辭其咎。因此,如何修法改善不合時宜之法規,創造出能促進台灣經濟加速發展之條件,更是當務之急. 方法上,除分別檢討倂修改現有法源以配合國際自由貿易港市之發展外,爲避免個別法律可能造成整體法律體系之混淆,宜整合現有之各別經濟特區法規,組成全面性適合各經濟特區發展之共同規範,除此之外,更應進一步參照外國成功之經驗,制定具優先地位倂適合台灣發展成爲國際貿易自由島之特別法。 對台灣之澎湖離島而言,其經濟、環境、觀光産業及自然資源等條件與韓國濟州島極爲相近, 在韓國政府成功打造濟州島成韓國際自由都市後,不論是台灣中央政府或澎湖地方政府皆希望以此爲借鏡, 透過詳細比較韓國濟州島與澎湖之差異, 進而提出適當之規劃, 全力發揮行政效率與地方區域特色, 建設澎湖成爲如同海上明珠般之國際島嶼, 以改善當地人民之生活環境與經濟條件.