청(淸)의 조선사행(朝鮮使行) 인선(人選)과 대청제국체제(大淸帝國體制)

구범진 ( Bum Jin Koo ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2008 인문논총 Vol.59 No.-

17세기 사행록의 연구현황과 나아갈 방향

정영문(Jeong, Young-Mun) 숭실대학교 한국문학과예술연구소 2015 한국문학과 예술 Vol.17 No.-

현재까지 조사가 마무리된 사행록은 570여건에 달한다. 이들 사행록은 사행목적지에 따라 ‘조천록’과 ‘연행록’으로 나뉜다. 현전하는 ‘조천록’은 1590년부터 1643년까지에 집중되어 있고, 청나라를 사행한 ‘연행록’은 17세기의 기록이 18ㆍ9세기보다 많지만, 학술적 연구는 대부분 18세기 기록에 집중되었다. 이는 학자들이 박지원의 『열하일기』, 홍대용의 『을병연행록』, 김창업의 『가재연행록』 등에 주목한 결과이다. 실학에 대한 관심에서 출발한 사행록 연구는 인문학, 사회학, 예술학 등으로 확대되었다. 반면에, 17세기 사행에 대한 연구는 문학과 역사 분야에 집중되어 있다. 본 연구는 사행연구를 체계화하기 위한 자료조사이다. 사행연구의 주된 관심사였던 시기구분, 노정에 따른견문, 기록의 유형, 기록자의 인식, 문화교류 측면에서 연구를 진행하였다. 17세기 사행의 특징은 1621년(광해군 13)부터 1637년(인조 15)까지 해로로 사행했다는 점이다. 이 시기는 명ㆍ청교체로 인한 혼란기였지만, 연구자들은 이러한 혼란상을 ‘실학의 발아’, ‘흔들리는 조공질서’, ‘중세보편주의의 위기나 붕괴’로 인식하였다. 사행은 한 나라, 한 문명권에서 세계를 지향해왔다. 이제 사행에 대한 연구는 전문화는 물론, 보편화까지도 염두에 두어야 한다. Research on about 570 cases of records of diplomatic missions, "Sahaengrok", is completed so far. These records of diplomatic missions are divided into "Jocheonrok" and "Yeonhangrok" based on the destination of missions. Passed down to our time, "Jocheonrok" is focused on from year 1590 to 1643. And while "Yeonhangrok" travel log to Qing Dynasty carries more records of 17th century than 18th and 19th centuries, academic research is mostly contained in the records of 18th century. This is because scholars paid more attention to "Yeolha Ilgi" by Park Ji-won, "Eul-Byung-Yeonhaengrok" by Hong Dae-Yong, and "Gajae-Yeonhaeng rok" by Kim Chang-up. Started with interest on "Silhak", Korean practical science, current research field is extended to humanities, sociology, and arts science. On the other hand, research on 17th century diplomatic missions is focused on the field of literature and history. This study aims to systemize the "Sahaeng Study" based on periodic classification, journey, aspect of record, percentage of the recorder and cultured interchange. Feature of 17th century diplomatic missions is that sea route was used from 1621 (Gwanghaegun year 13) to 1637 (Injo year 15). Despite chaotic state due to Ming to Qing transition, it was recognized as "early stage of Silhak", "stirring tribute order", and "crisis or collapse of medieval universalism". Started with one country, one civilization zone, "Sahaeng" diplomatic missions were aimed for globalization. For "Sahaeng" research, it is time to keep in mind for not just specialization, but also generalization.

1621년 조선 · 명 사절의 해로사행에 관한 실상과 평가

박현규(Park, Hyun-Kyu) 동북아시아문화학회 2013 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.36

청질서의 성립과 조청관계의 안정화: 1644∼1700

洪性鳩(Hong, Sung-ku) 동양사학회 2017 東洋史學硏究 Vol.140 No.-

The “Ch"ing Order”, a new international order in East Asia established by the Ch"ing occupation of Peking in 1644, was different from the unitary and customary order made by the Ming Dynasty. The old order ensured uniform distinctions between the Han people and non-Han people and between in and outside mainland China through linking the policy of removing the embargo to the tribute formalities. However, the Ch"ing Dynasty built a dual foreign relation system and applied different principles to the southeastern waters and the northwestern inner Asia region, which had been under the Ming order. Since the Ch"ing order was completely different from the Ming Order, the Chosŏn-Ch"ing relations was not a simple replacement of the previous Chosŏn-Ming relations. The Chosŏn-Ming relations was formed and maintained through the exchange of voluntary and peaceful tribute, which was based on the Sadaejaso (事大字小) idea, an important part of Neo-Confucian order. In contrast, the Chosŏn-Ch"ing relations represented a forced sovereign and subject structure formed by two wars (Chŏngmyo-horan in 1627 and Pyŏngcha-horan in 1636) caused by the Ch"ing. Therefore, from the beginning Chosŏn did not have the Sadaejaso idea towards the Ch"ing in spite of the formal sovereign and subject relations between them. In fact, the relations were complicated by mutual suspicion, check, coercion, and revengeful thoughts. However, soon after the Ch"ing occupation of Peking in 1644, it successfully replaced the Ming and strengthened it domination of China. As a result, its coercive policies against Chosŏn were gradually alleviated, and Chosŏn had no choice but to admit the Ch"ing’s power and status. In this respect, the Chosŏn-Ch"ing relations reflected the unique nature of relations formed by the military conquest in terms of content although it also inherited the exemplary relations between Chosŏn and Ming to a certain extent. Thus, the Ch"ing partially applied the principle of excluding the Han people, which was applied to the northwestern inner Asia region, to Chosŏn unlike other states that had been under the Ming Order. The latter part of the 17th century can be characterized as a transition period, which witnessed the settlement of the unique Chosŏn-Ch"ing relations. The distrust and confrontation before the Ch"ing occupation of Peking in 1644 had been transformed to the stability and peace of the 18th century. The stabilization of the relations between the two countries was reflected in trade. The trade led by yeokgwan (official translators) and sasang (private businessmen) became active. On the basis of the relations, the two countries were able to contribute to the stability and peace in East Asia in the late 17th century, which lasted until the mid-19th century.

논문 : 19세기 전반 청인의 조선사행 -백준(1884년)과 화사납(1845년)의 경우-

구범진 ( Bum Jin Koo ) 수선사학회 2004 사림 Vol.0 No.22

조선의 청 황제 성절 축하와 건륭 칠순 ‘진하 외교’

구범진 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2014 한국문화 Vol.68 No.-

Starting from 1637, Joseon was required to send to the Qing capital Shenyang regular embassies for three annual events in addition to the annual tribute mission: the imperial birthday, the winter solstice, and the New Year's Day. In 1645, the Qing court, which then had moved its capital to Beijing, ordered the king of Joseon to combine all the regular embassies into one and to send a combined embassy at the New Year's Day. Since then, the Joseon court did not send its official missions for the imperial birthdays. In this historical context, three speical embassies that King Jeongjo dispatched in 1780, when the Qianlong emperor turned seventy-sui, deserve our attention. Firstly, when King Jeongjo sent a regular embassy for the New Year's Day of 1780, he assigned to the embassy an unusual mission: Celebrating Qianlong's unprecedented longevity in Qing history. Secondly, Jeongjo dispatched a special embassy solely to commemorate Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday on the thirteenth day of the eighth lunar month. Qianlong was highly delighted by this, and had the emissaries from Joseon come to Chengde and attend the celebrating ritual and feistivities there. Thirdly, Jeongjo sent an independent embassy to give thanks for the emperor's favorable treatment to the embassy and special gifts for him. It is noteworthy that Jeongjo decided to send this independent embassy regardless of the fact that a regualr embassy for the New Year's Day of 1781 was scheduled to depart for Beijing only three days after. King Jeongjo did not dispatch these embassies because he was ordered to do so by the Qianlong emperor; Jeongjo did so out of his own volition. And a further of investigation of the embassies that Jeongjo sent to the Qianlong's court in other years reveals that Jeongjo was attempting to cultivate a better relationship with the Qing court by dispatching special embassies as often as he could. Qianlong would repond to his actions of sincerity as a tributary king by granting special favors. It can be said that the Joseon court under King Jeongjo, having overcome, if not completely, the trauma it had to suffer in the 1630s, was at last steering toward a new stage in its relation with the Qing court.