8〜10세기 동아시아 무역네트워크

윤재운 한국고대사탐구학회 2012 한국고대사탐구 Vol.12 No.-

In his World Theory of East Asia, Nishijima argued that the collapse of Ting Dynasty in 907 brought down the world of East Asia as an international political order and led to the world of East Asia as an economic trade zone and regarded the 10th century as a turning point of changes. While it is apparent that the changes in the early 10th century are significant in Chinese history, they should be seen in the extension of the 8th century in Korean and Japanese history. Especially considering that trade activities between China and Japan became prominent in the early 8th century, the trade zone of East Asia should be understood to have been formed in the 8th century. There are a couple of grounds for the argument: first, Ting Dynasty moved from the old tribute-based public trade policy to the policy allowing for private trade in the Kaiyuan Period in the early 8th century. Those changes of the trade policy were attributed to secure financial resources according to the financial pressure. After An Shi Rebellion, the groups in charge of trade generally expanded to include local officials such as military governors and the Officials of Shi Bo Si. The second ground is 『Daoliji』by Jia Dan in Geograpy 7b, Xin Tang shu Vol. 43b. The fact that something that can be called a world map or comprehensive survey of geography was made in the early 9th century indicates that bargaining between China and its surrounding countries became more frequent. In East Asia, a trade network was feasible in Yellow Sea, East Sea, and Okhotsk Sea. In the Yellow Sea, the activities of Shilla traders represented by Jang Bo-go and Balhae traders were prominent. The Goguryeo- and Balhae-related delegations and Sushen Yilou played a leading role in East Sea and Okhotsk Sea, respectively. Trade via the marine transportation of each country in East Asia became even more active when Song Dynasty, which was established after 50 years of transition period after the collapse of Ting Dynasty in 907, was under the military pressure of northern nomads such as Kitan and Jurchen. Even though Song Dynasty declared itself as the successor of Ting Dynasty, it could not help implementing passive diplomatic policies due to its fear for nomad countries. In fact, it ended up offering a lot of annual tribute(歲幣) to nomad countries as a tribute country. While China lost its status as the suzerain state of East Asia, its private trade grew even more active. Chinese traders formed an economic trade zone across East Asia, crossing the borders skillfully. 니시지마의 동아시아세계론은 907년 唐의 멸망에 의해서 국제적인 정치질서로서의 동아시아 세계가 붕괴되고, 그 대신 경제적 교역권으로서의 동아시아세계가 출현했다고 보아 10세기를 변화의 전환기로 파악했다. 확실히 중국사를 기준으로 할 때는 10세기 초의 변화가 중요한 의미를 가질 수 있으나, 한편 한국과 일본사의 입장에서 보면 10세기의 변화는 8세기의 연장선상으로 보아야 하지 않을까 한다. 특히 중국·일본과의 무역활동을 보면 8세기 초부터 두드러지게 나타나고 있어 동아시아 무역권의 성립 시기를 8세기로 소급하여 이해하는 것이 옳다고 생각된다. 그 근거는 첫째, 唐은 8세기초 開元年間을 경계로 조공을 중심으로 한 공무역 정책에서, 사무역을 용인하는 정책으로 변하였다는 것을 들 수 있다. 무역정책의 변화의 계기는 당의 재정압박에 따른 재원확보를 도모하기 위함이었다. 이후 安史의 난을 계기로 절도사 같은 지방관리, 市舶使 등에서 무역을 관리하는 등, 전반적으로 무역의 담당층이 늘어가는 추세를 알 수 있었다. 둘째로는 『新唐書』券43下, 地理志 7下에 실려 있는 賈耽의 『道里記』를 들 수 있다. 이처럼 9세기 초두에 세계지도, 지리總攬이라고 할 수 있는 것이 작성된 것은 그 만큼 중국과 주변 여러나라와의 교섭이 빈번해진 정황을 반영한다고 할 수 있다. 동아시아 무역 네트워크가 기능한 공간은 크게 황해, 동해, 오호츠크해 등으로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 이 가운데 황해는 장보고로 대표되는 신라 상인과 발해 상인의 활약이 주목되고, 동해는 고구려 및 발해 관련 사절단, 그리고 오호츠크해는 숙신·읍루족이 주역이었다. 이러한 동아시아 각국의 해상교통에 의한 무역은 907년 이 멸망한 뒤 반세기 간의 과도기를 거친 끝에 등장한 송왕조가 거란과 여진 등 북방 유목민족들의 군사적 압박을 받던 시기에 오히려 더욱 발달했다. 비록 송은 당의 계승국가로 자처했지만, 유목민족국가들에 대한 공포감 때문에 소극적인 외교정책을 펼 수밖에 없었다. 실제로 송은 유목민족국가들에 많은 양의 歲幣를 바치는 조공국가 처지로 떨어지고 말았다. 이처럼 중국이 동아시아에서 종주국의 지위를 상실하게 된 반면 민간의 사무역은 더욱 활발해져서 국가 간의 경계를 교묘하게 넘나들며 동아시아전역에 걸친 경제적 무역권을 구축해 갔다.

정묘호란 이후 조선에 대한 명의 貢路⋅貢期 변경 및 조공사행 통제 강화

이재경 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2024 민족문화연구 Vol.103 No.-

본고는 정묘호란 이후 명이 조선의 조공사행 파견과 조공사행의 활동에 대해 어떤 통제조치를 가하였으며, 그 배경은 무엇이었는지, 조선은 이에 어떻게 대응하였는지를 검토하였다. 정묘호란으로 조선이 후금과 국교를 체결하게 되면서, 명은 조선 및 그 조공사행을 잠재적 위협 요소로 간주하게 되었다. 따라서 인조 7년(1629)부터 명은 조선의 조공로를 登州에서 覺華島로 변경하였으며, 정기사행 파견 빈도를 1년 1회로 축소하였다. 인조 10년(1632)부터는 조공사행을 통해 이루어지던 조선의 연례 염초 무역을 중단하고, 무역물품에 대한 규제를 정비하여 조선 사행이 금지물품을 구입할 수 없도록 단속을 강화하였다. 조선은 국익에 직접 관계되는 조공로의 변경 및 조공사행의 염초 무역 중단을 철회시키기 위해 여러 차례 외교적 노력을 기울였으나, 원하던 결과를 이끌어내지는 못했다. 명에서 각종 규제조치를 시행한 것은 조선이 후금과 내통하거나, 조선 사행을 통해 명의 군사물자가 후금에 유출될 수 있다는 의구심 때문이었다. 명 내부에서는 온건한 입장을 취해야 한다는 의견도 제시되었으나, 숭정제는 엄격한 대응을 주도하였다. 조선은 명과의 오랜 관계와 후금에 공동으로 대응할 필요성을 무기로 명을 설득하기 위해 노력했지만, 조선에 대한 의구심을 근본적으로 제거하기에는 역부족이었다. 조선 조공사행에 대한 명의 규제조치와 이를 해제하기 위한 조선의 외교적 노력은 양국이 중화적 세계관을 공유하면서도, 이면에서는 현실적 이익을 토대로 외교정책을 운영했음을 보여준다. This article examined Ming China’s regulations imposed on Joseon tribute missions, the motive behind the measures, and Joseon’s diplomatic efforts to overturn the sanctions. Envoys from Joseon were received by the Ming with a variety of preferential treatment. However, the Ming regarded Joseon and its diplomatic missions as a potential security threat after the Manchus waged a war on Joseon to force a diplomatic relationship in 1627. In 1629, Ming regulated Joseon emissaries to call at Juehuadao island near the Ningyuan fortress, instead of Dengzhou in the Shandong province. Also, Ming urged Joseon to send only one tribute mission per year. Furthermore, in 1632, Joseon’s annual saltpeter trade, which had been carried out through tribute missions from 1606, was suspended. Moreover, the Ming government reorganized the regulations on tributary trade to prevent Joseon envoys from purchasing prohibited goods. The tributary route and saltpeter trade were important issues for Joseon’s national interest, so Joseon made several diplomatic efforts to roll back the changes. However, the Chongzhen emperor didn’t accept Joseon’s petitions at all. The reason for the crackdown on Joseon tributary missions was the Ming’s suspicion that they could hand over Chinese military materials to the Manchus. Despite sharing the values of a China-centered world order, Joseon and Ming ran their diplomatic policies based on realistic interests.

宋代 朝貢秩序의 再編과 그 樣相

金成奎(Kim Sung-Keu) 역사학회 2005 역사학보 Vol.0 No.185

This study aims to look into the contents and characteristics of the international tributary relations that the Northern Song as a Chinese dynasty had, with about 40 countries, from the 10th to the early years of the 12th century. I analyzed chinese historical records which show the basic forms and characteristics of Song's tributary relations, because the term 'tributary relations' can be interpreted in various ways. Also, there is a lack of Korean related materials. First, I researched about 40 countries that paid tributes to Song. I found out that the intentions of tributes from them were different. Some countries had a sovereign and subject relationship with Song, so they can truly be regarded as tributary countries. On the other hand, others were treated as tributary countries even though they had a simple interchange with Song without the tributary relation. In other words, there were cases in which the delegation that the other country sent, without the intention of tributes, was accepted as a tribute by Song, and in which a merchant as an individual tried to do commerce with Song under the guise of tributes. These cases serve an important clue to understand the intentions of the tributary countries and Song's idea about tributary relations at that time. In another aspect, I analyzed 1109 specific cases or so in the related materials, in order to find out how the tributary relations of that time had actually been developed. I classified their characteristics by type and looked into how the distribution of tributes by time was associated with international relations. As a result, I found out that most of the tributary relations were made by some special countries while others paid their tributes to Song at most once every three years, or only during a certain period. Also, when the changes of tributary relations are plotted on a graph, the rises and falls of the curve are drawn repeatedly at a certain point, which suggests that these changes have a subtle relationship with the changes of Song's important international relations. The results of this study could be a chance to invigorate the studies on the international relations of China and Eastern Asia, Judging from the present situation that no model about the international relations in the Eastern Asia during the Song era has yet been suggested, this study will allow the history of Eastern Asia to be diachronically reorganized, and will suggest a possible model about the international relations in the Eastern Asia during the Song era. As it is, a lot of studies on the contents and characteristics of the tributary system have been done by time, from the Jin and Han Era to the modem age of China, while those during the Song era seem to have been neglected. Accordingly, this study should contribute to diachronically connecting the international relations of Eastern Asia.

16世紀 對中貿易의 盛況과 國內商業

朴平植(Park, Pyeong Sik) 역사교육연구회 2018 역사교육 Vol.146 No.-

This paper is a research on the prosperity of the trade with China in the 16th century, focusing on domestic commerce and intermediary trade by Joseon merchants. In the 16th century, since King Joongjong’s reign, the private trade with China using silver was actively developed by Joseon silver produced in Dancheon and other regions by Joseon merchants. After then, around the last year of King Joongjong’s reign, the large influx of Japanese silver resulted in the prosperity of the trade with China. In the course, sanctions by Chinese government and criticisms by its people upon the private trade accompanied with Sahaeng(使行) grew. During this period, the trade with China was grounded on the growth of domestic commerce since the late 15th century. Therefore, not just the import of luxury goods, but also the silk weaving industry using Chinese silk thread, developed in Joseon, and affordable processed ginseng product called Pasam (把蔘) which targeted general public was produced and exported. In the 16th century, Joseon merchants were monopolistic in the intermediary trade of the early Japanese silver, Chinese silk fabrics and silk thread. However, after King Myeongjong’s reign, this initiative intermediary trade of Joseon merchants diminished, as the direct trade between China and Japan increased.

조공관계체제 속의 근대적 통상관계 : 『中國朝鮮商民水陸貿易章程』연구

권혁수 동북아역사재단 2010 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.28

“Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade between Chinese and Korean,1882” is a major sign of the modern transition between Sino-Korea relations. At that time, China and Korea had started the process of early modern times and the two countries had a willing and had made efforts to achieve the modern transition of the tributary trade and even the Cho-sun dynasty suggested that the two countries should send ministers for each other in order to establish modern diplomatic relations. After the “Army In-o Chaos” of Korea in July 1882, Qing dynasty changed the policy to ward Korea and turned positively. Li Hung-chang and his staff controlled the negotiation process of the Regulations which was full of inequality, and the preface of the Regulations which stressed that tributary relationship couldn't be changed was different from the eight provisions of the body of the Regulations which declared to establish modern trade relationship, this fact indicates that there is a phenomenon which is called "One Diplomatic Two Systems" in late Qing dynasty's foreign relationship, and this phenomenon is a character of the modern transition of the traditional international order in East Asian region. This paper includes new conclusions in several problems, such as the commissaries of the negotiation of Korea, the signing of the procedures of the Regulations, the name of the Regulations, and so on. 『中國朝鮮商民水陸貿易章程』은 한중관계의 역사 상 최초로 근대적 조약관계의 형식과 내용을 부분적으로 수용하여 체결한 국제법 문헌으로서 한중 두 나라의 전통적 조공관계가 드디어 근대적 전환과정을 본격적으로 시작하였음을 보여주는 중요한 상징이었다. 전통적 조공무역체제의 근대적 전환에 관한 노력은 한중 두 나라에서 모두 있었으며 특히 고종정부에서 훨씬 더 적극적이었지만 임오군란의 영향으로 고종정부의 의지와 노력이 위축되고 이홍장과 청정부에 일방적으로 주도되면서 불평등한 교섭양상을 보여주었고 심지어 공식적인 조인절차도 생략되었다. 따라서 전통적 조공관계의 고수원칙을 강조한 장정의 서문과 근대적 통상관계의 전개에 관한 총 8개 조항의 구체적 내용은 아주 대조적이었으며 특히 정치경제의 분리 차원에서 1894년 청일전쟁까지 한중관계의 기본프레임을 마련하면서 19세기말 한중관계의 과도기적 특성을 잘 보여주었다. 아울러 본고에서는 장정의 배경과 교섭과정 및 영향에 대한 일반적인 고찰 외에 장정의 성격과 명칭 및 영어번역 등 문제에 대한 실증적 검토를 통해 국내외 선행연구의 문제점도 함께 지적하였다.

동아시아 해금정책의 변화와 해양 경계에서의 분쟁

민덕기(Duck-ki Min) 한일관계사학회 2012 한일관계사연구 Vol.42 No.-

海禁정책은 海防이나 華夷질서의 확립을 추구한 정치·국방 중시 정책으로, 새 질서를 세우려는 왕조의 건국기에는 일정한 의의가 있다고 하겠다. 元末明初의 중국 연해안은 華夷가 혼재해 있는 가운데 明朝 지배가 철저하지 않은 혼란상태에 있었으나, 해금은 연해안에 새 질서를 구축하는데 일정한 도움이 되었고, 민간무역이 정지된 이후엔 조공무역을 보완한 책봉체제의 구축이나 국내경제 시스템의 보강에 공헌했다. 淸代초기에도 해금은 정성공 정권의 약체화에 일정한 공헌을 하고 있다. 그러나 해금은 연해안 지방의 경제발전을 가로막고 무역을 통제하여 국가경제에도 도움이 되지 않는 정책이었다. 그 때문에 새 질서가 안정기에 들어가자 해금은 반발을 초래하여 사회적 불안정화의 요인이 되었다. 이 때문에 明·淸代의 해금은 점차 이완되고 변화하여 간다. 明朝의 해금정책은 영락제 이후 이완되고 조공정책 또한 소극화 되어간다. 그런 점에서 對日 책봉·조공관계도 그와 똑같이 변화해 가는 양상을 보이고 있다. 즉 영락제와 아시카가 요시미츠와의 돈독한 책봉관계는 선덕제 이후 쇠퇴하여 책봉사 파견을 통한 실질적인 책봉관계는 생략된다. 조공관계 또한 중앙정권인 무로마치 막부가 아닌 호족 세력 오우치씨 등에게 장악되어 그 정치적 측면이 퇴색되어간다. 明·淸代 해금정책의 이완은 조선 서해연안에 중국인이 출몰하여 소란을 일으키는 결과를 가져왔다. 이들 ‘荒唐船’을 타고 온 중국인들은 麗末朝初의 왜구처럼 수백 척의 선단으로 수 백명이 떼를 지어 출몰하여 고기잡이를 벌이고 약탈을 자행하고, 나포하려는 조선 관리를 구타하고 칼로 찌르고 도망가곤 하였다. 그러나 조선은 나포와 북경 압송이라는 적극책보다 총포로 위협하여 쫓아버리는 소극책으로 일관하게 된다. 나포 당하지 않으려고 저항하는 이들 ‘上國人’을 제압하다 다치게 하거나, 압송 과정에서 도망가거나 病死하는 사고라도 발생하면 淸朝의 추궁을 받을 것이기 때문이다. 게다가 강경책으로 나포하고 압송한다 해도 그들을 압송하는데 제공해야 할 人力과 牛馬 및 식량을 도저히 감당하기 힘들었을 것이다. 그들은 수백 척의 선단으로 수백 명씩 떼를 지어 출몰했기 때문이다. The policy of maritime trade prohibition is the one laying emphasis on politics and national defense pursuing the maritime defense of establishment of the order against Chinese barbarians, and it is considered to have a certain significance at the time to national foundation for a dynasty to establish a new order. The Chinese coastal area at the time of late Yuan Dynasty and early Ming Dynasty was in a confused state that the ruling of Ming Dynasty was not established thoroughly and Chinese barbarians were mixed together, but the maritime trade prohibiton provided a certain help to building of a new order for coastal area and contributed to construction of domestic economic system after private trade was stopped. In early Ching Dynasty, too, the maritime trade prohibiton contributed to weakening the Jeong, Seong-Gong regime to a certain degree. However, the maritime trade prohibiton was a policy not being a help for national economy by hindering the economic development of coastal area and controlling the trade. Due to that, when a new order entered a stabilized period, the maritime trade prohibiton caused a repulsion and became a factor of social destabilization. Because of this, the maritime trade prohibiton becomes relaxed gradually and varies in Ming & Ching Dynasties. The policy of maritime trade prohibiton in Ming Dynasty becomes relaxed since Emperor Yongle and the tributary system also becomes negative. In that sense, the relationship of investiture or tribute between Ming Dynasty and Japan shows the phase of changing equally like that. That is, the sincere relationship of investiture between Emperor Yongle and Ashikaga Yoshimitsu declines since Emperor Xu?nde and the substantial relationship of investiture through dispatch of investiture envoy is omitted. The tributary relationship also fades away in its political aspect due to the fact that it was dominated by Ohwoochissi, etc. powerful family forces, not by Muromachi Shogunate, central government. The relaxation of policy of maritime trade prohibition in Ming & Ching Dynasties brought about the result that the Chinese appeared frequently and caused disturbances on the West Sea Coast of Joseon Dynasty. These Chinese coming on board a ship called ‘A strange-shaped ship’ would appear in hundreds of flocks by fleet of hundreds of ships, do the fishing, commit the plundering, beat and stab the Joseon public officials trying to seizure them with knivers, and run away just like Japanese pirates in late Koryo and early Joseon Dynasties. However, because these were ‘people of a superior country to which Joseon pays tribute’, Joseon kept on taking the negative measure consistently, only dispelling these people by threatening with firearms rather than Joseon took the positive measure of seizure and sending them in custody to China.

명대 후기의 해상무역 정책에 관한 연구 -남중국해를 중심으로-

조원일,김종규 영산대학교 동양문화연구원 2014 동양문화연구 Vol.18 No.-

明代武宗正德年間葡萄牙人攻占了明帝國冊封百餘年的滿刺加國, 此一事件爆發時, 中國官方竟毫不知情, 坐視藩屬的淪亡, 而未加聞問。 揆其原因, 主要是明帝國國內政局的變化, 用人行政的不同所致。 明代宣宗之前, 明帝國聲威壯盛, 南中國海諸藩國海上往來頻繁, 尤其是成祖時代, 南中國海諸藩國大多數均相安無事, 紛紛入貢。宣德年間停止下西洋之後, 南中國海諸藩國之中僅有少數的大國繼續入朝。 而當明朝官方海船所代表的聲威逐漸在南中國海中減少之際, 小國又恢復向其隣邦大國奉貢了。 明代中葉以後, 只有新皇帝登位詔告四方, 及藩國請奉時, 朝廷才會遣使海外諸國, 這種態度趨於保守, 顯示明帝國與南中國海諸藩國之間, 政治外交的往來日漸冷淡。 而更明顯的改變是武宗正德年間占城數度遣使請奉, 明朝使者竟不願前往。 政治上改採王者不事夷狄的觀念, 遂使明帝國政治實力宣告退出了南中國海諸國之間。因此明代末期國力疲弊, 而西方東漸的時代, 明帝國的南中國海政策導向是如何改變? 南中國海情勢變化如何? 都是値得深思的問題。 在本文基於如上的問題, 進行討論對於明代後期海上貿易政策的問題。 因此, 本文將提出對這種問題之一些看法, 大致是三個方面, 一是朝貢貿易的變化, 二是關稅政策的實施, 三是關稅政策的變化。

15〜16세기 동서교역(東西交易) 중 환원소성(還元燒成) 코발트블루(Cobalt blue) 예술의 동점(東漸)과 서전(西傳)에 관한 일고(一考) - 명대(明代) 영락(永樂) · 선덕(宣德) · 정덕(正德) · 가정(嘉靖)시기의 청화자기(靑花瓷器)를 중심으로

양호승 한국국제문화교류학회 2018 문화교류와 다문화교육 Vol.7 No.3

Blue and white porcelain (靑花瓷器) finished with the ‘art of reduction fired cobalt blue’ is one of the significant products in the history of the East-West interactions. The tributary trade (朝貢貿易) in the Ming dynasty had helped blue and white porcelain to mature and achieve a wide recognition across the world. The reason that blue and white porcelain was highly valued in those days was due to its adoption of imported cobalt blue. The seven treasure voyages (鄭和下西洋) beginning in the early days of the Ming dynasty enabled blue and white porcelain to spread to the West and foreign pigments to be known in the East. This is when cobalt blue pigment was introduced in China. Therefore, the years of the Yongle (永樂) and Xuande (宣德) emperors could see the birth of blue and white porcelain finished with “Sumali qing (蘇麻離靑),” which was followed in the period of Zhengde (正德) and Jiajing (嘉靖) emperors by the blue and white porcelain made from another imported pigment “Mohammedan blue (回靑)” under the influence of the Islamic culture. Later in the Age of Exploration in the sixteenth century, blue and white porcelain turned into “Kraak ware” by Portuguese merchants, and The Chinese Book of Rites(中國禮記) by Matteo Ricci was also introduced in Europe, all of which had contributed to the formation of Chinoiserie in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Going along with the culture of Chinoiserie, the blue and white porcelain finished with the art of ‘reduction fired cobalt blue’ had reached its peak of artistic values. ‘환원소성(還元燒成) 코발트블루(Cobalt blue) 예술’로 완성된 청화자기(靑花瓷器)는동서교섭사에서 이루어진 특수한 산물이다. 청화자기는 명대(明代)의 조공무역(朝貢貿 易)으로 인하여 완성되었고, 또한 그 가치를 인정받기 시작하였다. 그와 같은 고평가를받을 수 있었던 원인은 바로 수입 코발트 색료의 채용에 있었다고 할 수 있다. 명대 초기“정화하서양(鄭和下西洋)”은 청화자기를 “서전(西傳)”함과 동시에 수입 색료를 “동점(東 漸)”하게 되면서 코발트 색료를 들여오게 되었다. 따라서 영락(永樂)·선덕(宣德)시기“소마리청(蘇麻離靑)”의 청화자기를 탄생시켰고, 이후 정덕(正德)·가정(嘉靖)시기의 수입색료 “회청(回靑)”과 “이슬람문화”를 함께 융합시킨 청화자기를 탄생시켰다. 그리고16세기 “대항해(大航海)”시대의 청화자기는 포르투갈 상인들에 의해 “크라크 자기(Kraak 瓷器)”로 변신하기도 하였고, 또한 마테오 리치(Matteo Ricci)의 『중국예기(中國 禮記)』가 유럽으로 전해지게 되면서, 결국 17〜18세기 “시누아즈리(Chinoiserie)” 사조가형성 되었다. 이때 ‘환원소성 코발트블루 예술’로 완성된 청화자기는 “시누아즈리”에 편승하여 그 예술적 가치를 최고조로 끌어 올리게 되었다.

宋과 高麗의 무역에 관한 몇 개 문제

朴眞奭(Park, Jin-Seok) 백산학회 2004 白山學報 Vol.- No.68

The internation trades of Sung and Koryo had two kinds, in field of nation to mation base and private level. After in the year of 962, Koryo and Sung had official contacts, and repeated the open and closed political situations. The two-nation maintained official deplomacy by tributary system and retarn courtesy named Sa-Mul. And we can find the non-government trades between two nations, therefore the Sung’s merchant’s launching to Koryo were increased And they made a political and deplomatic roles. But even though, the frade-goods were luxulies of ruling class, the relation ships were useful to two nations in political and cultural status. The routes of trade were two directions, in south & north. The northern route made use of Shantung peninsula from Dung-Jou, and Sea-side of Korean peninsula. On the other hand, the southern route put to practical use of crossing Yellow sea from port Ye Sung to Ming-Jou.

아시아 지중해 패러다임과 ‘효녀’ 서사의 재창조 - 심청이가 쓰는 아시아 지중해사

이태숙 한국여성문학학회 2019 여성문학연구 Vol.46 No.-

Literature is based on the contemporary discourse. Although the origin of the ‘filial piety’ ideology has a long history of convergence until the Three Kingdoms period, it is in the late Joseon period that it is enjoyed by many people of the contemporary and it became a narrative literary genre. In particular, <Simchungjeon> is a work that can discuss the value as a discourse in relation to its long life force in that it has a strong expanding power that continues until the modern era. Hwang Seok-young's <Simchung> is a re-creation of the classic <Simchungjeon>, and it is a work to be discussed in relation to the process of the change of the discourse of ‘filial piety’ ideology in that the background space is extended to Asia Mediterranean rather than Joseon. As for the background, the aspect of the discourse that changes due to the change of the spatial background of <Simchungjeon> are similar to that of Hwang Seok-young's <Simchung> and its starting point should be discussed in relation to the spatial background. Despite the fact that studies on the existing <Simchung> have been studied with emphasis on the relation with the traditional narrative, the necessity of such research is raised in that the difference of the spatial background can not be linked with the inner narrative and discourse. The 'Asian Mediterranean' paradigm seeks not to view one space centered on the nation, but to focus on the functional flow in that space. This work, in which the central character of 'Simchung' is the center of human movement in the space, is therefore the most effective way to understand this space from the perspective of microsociology. The 'Odyssey of prostitution' view, which is revealed on the surface of the work by the author, can reveal the surface of the narrative, but it cannot read the process of changing the paradigm in connection with space. At the time when the paradigm of the period changes from tribute trade to treaty trade, each space makes different choices according to the historical and cultural backgrounds of each region, and the lives and thoughts of the central characters who she had met in such spaces changed Simchung. Although the 'filial piety paradigm' of the classic <Simchungjeon> seems to disappear at the beginning of the work, the filial piety paradigm did not disappear but change. <Simchung> should be read as a narrative of salvation of 'filial piety' paradigm beyond the narrative of salvation to 'filial daughter', and as a salvation narrative of the Asian Mediterranean space called Joseon that created such a paradigm. In Foucault's <L‘Hermeneutique du sujet>, self-consideration and care for oneself is refused to be the object of the other, and declares that man should exist only for themselves, self-object. However, 'self-consideration' is no longer a matter of finding truth in the subject. The important thing is that armed with truth which is not in subject. In other words, the quasi-subject that Foucault speaks not only resists being the object of power, but also the object of reason for rational subject. It is also a subject to resist. It is not a modern subject, a subject who recognizes oneself, but a subject who makes oneself through the truth that was not found in the subject. After leaving the road as a ‘filial daughter’, Chung, who came back after a long, long journey, was able to come back with the truth of the time and space in which it created the ‘filial piety’ at the same time as the subject who survived on her own. We can find out the truth in a lonely way of Simchung why so ‘filial piety’ ideology should be strong, and why is it that Joseon had to walk into the history of the humiliation of colonialism. 황석영의 『심청』은 작가가 고전 <심청전>의 재창조라는 관점에서 내놓은 작품이다. 이 작품은 고전 <심청전>과 출발점으로서의 시대적 배경을 같이 하고 있지만 작품 내 공간을 조선에서 아시아 지중해라는 영역으로 확장하고 있다. 『심청』에 관한 기존의 연구들은 이러한 공간 영역 확장의 의미를 읽어내지 못하였다. 이 연구는 미시사의 관점에서 심청이 만들어내는 인적 이동의 기능적 의미를 규명하고 전통서사가 이러한 변화에 따라 어떤 방식으로 재창조되고 있는지를 밝히고 있다. 이 시기 아시아 지중해는 조공무역에서 조약무역으로 이동하는 거대한 변화의 흐름에 직면해 있었으며, 동인도회사를 중심으로 역사적 격변을 만나는 난징, 싱가포르와 일본의 제국주의 침탈에 맞서는 지룽, 류큐, 조선으로 나눌 수 있다. 새로운 시대로 들어가는 대응력에 따라 각 지역이 맞아야 하는 미래도 달라질 수밖에 없었고, 그러한 새로운 시대가 제시하는 패러다임은 고전 <심청전>의 ‘효’의 이데올로기를 개인적 구원의 서사에서 미래를 향한 구원의 약속으로 변화시키고 있다. 『심청』은 심청 개인의 구원의 이야기이면서 열다섯에 떠나 70년 만에 다시 돌아온 ‘효’의 공간, 조선에 대한 구원의 서사가 된다.