試論清代前期洋銅貿易人群的地域構成

黃忠鑫,(Huang Zhongxin) 경북대학교 아시아연구소 2012 아시아연구 Vol.- No.16

江戶日本文獻『漂客紀事』는 日本관리의 입장에서 1780년 元順號 표류선 사건의 과정을 기록하였을 뿐만 아니라, 中國海商密書, 船員抗 議書등의 진귀한 문서들을 수록하여 우리들이 淸代의 해양사회와 군중들의 상황을 깊이 있게 이해하는데 도움이 된다. 이 해난사건 가운데 에피소드인 선원 踰出風波가운데에서 福建출신 선원과 江浙출신 海商들은 일본 측의 태도에 대해 전혀 다른 반응을 보이고 있다. 전자는 동등한 자격으로 항의서의 형식으로 자신들의 입장을 분명히 밝혀 “辭多不遜”이라고 평가받았다. 후자는 반대로 일본 측의 비호와 협조를 구하고 밀서의 형식으로 福建선원들과 경계선을 나누었으며, 선원 전체와 합작관계를 유지하고자 하였다. 이와 같은 표면적인 현상으로부터 日ㆍ淸양국의 해외무역의 제한적 정책과 지방 항해전통의 영향으로 말미암아 淸代초기 洋銅무역인들의 지역구성에 있어서 중요한 변화가 일어났다. 江浙海商은 洋銅貿易의 독점권을 획득한 후, 여전히 大型海船을 다룰 수 있는 福建선원들과 함께 출항하기를 원했다. 이는 海商밀서 가운데에 “江浙二省,無民習船者”라는 표현이 나타난 원인이다. 이 과정속에서 江浙海商이 분담한 역할은 일종의 雙重역할이었다. 이런 현상의 형성은 清代東南沿海社會, 특히 江浙과 福建지역에 대한 영향이 매우 컸다. Hyokaku Kiji(漂客紀事) and Yubo Hitsugo(游房筆語), both of which are notes of Japanese during Edo Japan, keep a basic record of Yuanshun sailboat of Anyong Ninth(1780), also contribute lots to enriching the research on the history of the social-economy of Qing dynasty. The ocean-merchants from Jiangzhe area paid attention to be friendly to Japanese and tried to avoid conflict with Fujian sailors, who enjoyed a large population on the boat. They also presented the confidential letter to Japanese official in order to draw a clear distinction from Fujian sailors by regional cultural divergence. By doing these, they wished to keep their businesses steady and safeguarded their profits. However, Fujian sailors tried to state their position in the way of protest, but were regarded as rude and unreasonable. All of these resulted in the change of businessmen group of Qing Dynasty, which attribute to the policy of Qing and Edo Japan toward Sino-Japanese trade and local sail tradition. So, although the Jiangzhe ocean-merchants gain the monopoly rights of the Japanese copper, they still need Fujian sailors who had the ability to control large jailors went to abroad together. This case happened such a background that Jiangzhe oceanmerchants play the part of double roles. It reflected great efforts to the local society of Jiangzhe and Fujian areas.

南宋時代 福建民의 j海上 貿易活動과 그 性格

이근명(李瑳,明) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2001 역사문화연구 Vol.14 No.-

自北宋後期以降, 在福建地直的直蜘祉曾裡面農民逐漸拠棄品副専的本業市改行的断3.開始横大。及至南宋時代該地直商業日趨輿盛,嘗地人民並以活接的商業活動市出名,其原因亦可由如此嘗地民衆偶了股離控消上的困擾而奮門努力的延長面来理解。 在宋代早己開始進展的幅建地直商業繁柴的局面以及幅建商人積極的商業活動.典該地匡商品経i資本身的殻展趨勢比較.即可殻現幅建人民的域外商業活動明顕提早開展。這種{青形奥幅建地直良好的航j倒産件,稜達的造船投手fLI和海運能力,以及五代十園之ー的閏朝政権積極奨助針外貿易的政策密切有闘。到了南宋時代,幅建商人的活動更偶興隆,絶大部{分的幅建居民幾子都従事海上貿易.而頴示出此匡匿域経滑也似子査頼於海上貿易的景象。在多種領域中,福建商人的海上貿易圏也逐歩蹟及査園範園。男外,従北宋中期以来,幅建地匡漸-;x成長園際貿易上的核心地直之一,而泉州港就是其主要動源。泉州|港早従北宋以来,封高麗貿易等一些海外貿易上逐漸イ占撮重要的地位.因此到了哲宗元佑二年(1087)決定在泉州設置了贋州・明州以外的宋朝第三個市舶司。及至南宋,泉州|在海外貿易上的地位更馬提高,終於成長偶査中国最大的 針外貿易港。泉州、|所以能成魚宋朝最重要的貿易港埠.是因儒大略有下列三項原因.①泉州、|具備了優秀的天然慰阜{臨件。②航海技術的進歩導致従東南亜到中園的航線嬰化,而泉州、|在地理上的優越位置也更儒提高。③fr~圭控j膏本身的殻展。④泉州、|地匡的米糧不足以及商品経済的稜展。到了南来,如此商業稜達的結果,把商業輿農業並橋本業的現象也出現。由此可知嘗時商業奥商品経清在整個幅 慰霊横上面所占的比重業巳如此増大。

송인(宋人)의 고려(高麗) 입사(入仕)에 대한 일고찰 ―복건지역 출신자를 중심으로―

李廷靑 중국사학회 2021 中國史硏究 Vol.- No.132

10-13世紀, 為數眾多的宋人遠赴高麗求仕, 這些宋人大多是文人出身, 有不少已在宋朝科舉中進士及第, 他們主要來自以福建為代表的中國東部沿海地區。宋人赴麗求仕的現象總體而言是一直持續進行的, 甚至可能是貫穿整個宋代。這些宋人都是自願搭載宋人商船前往高麗的, 在那裏通過個人的努力得到了或高或低的官職。 當時這種歷史現象在中韓歷史上都是空前絕後的, 有著特殊的時代背景。宋代科舉製度漸趨完善, 科舉錄取人數相對有限但應舉人數日異增多, 其中大部分人那麽失意落第、要麽“永淪選海”。這種仕路壅塞導致嚴重的人員壅滯, 進而形成了文人外流的巨大推力。宋代福建科舉尤為興盛, 因此這種現象更為嚴重。這時求賢若渴的高麗便是他們實現“曲線為官”的理想之地。 為這些遠赴高麗求仕的宋人助力的是宋商。福建與高麗海上貿易繁盛, 作為對麗貿易的前沿陣地, 福建尤其泉州的失意文人先天地占據了“地利”和“人和”的優勢, 他們能比其他地方的人更快獲得高麗的動態、更方便搭乘本地海商的船舶前往高麗。這正是當時高麗投化官吏多為閩人的重要原因。

네덜란드 동인도회사의 기록을 통해 본 明末의 貿易構造― 1620년대 月港 무역의 변화와 澎湖事件 ―

한지선 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

In the early 17th century, The Ming Dynasty had two gates for commerce, but one was only for the Chinese while the other was controled by Portugal. The rule that no trade was allowed in any Chinese area without permission was equated with taboo to the Dutch. However, the fact that the Dutch withdrew from Penghu did not mean that the Ming Dynasty can control over costal area. Behind the conflict between VOC and government officials, there was negotiation on commerce. However, negotiations with the officials did not have constant binding power and might change according to the situation as they were temporary. Xunfu(巡撫) Nan, Ju-yi(南居益) negated what had been negotiated and prohibited trade with the Dutch. Nam Geo-Ik insisted on exclusive rights over the territory, besides he intended to secure a sea route to Manila and protect trading rights in Yue-xiang(月港) to maintain overseas trade. Although administrative or military officers stuck to the principles in political or military terms, they tried to find peaceful measures rather than military solutions. This direction was decided on through adjusting to interests in overseas trade. Meanwhile, merchants who were engaged in overseas trade had serious losses due to the Hai-jin(海禁) and the violent rambles of VOC. So they sought peace between them. In particular, Li, Dan(李旦) was charged with finding a way for diplomacy and commerce between VOC and Chinese officials, and mediated conflicts between them. Also Xu, Xin-Su (許心素) gained a position as an official in Taiwan trade, served as a mediator for non-tribute countries and secured trade space through creating a new trade custom.

조선후기 비변사의 국외정보 파악 양상

반윤홍(Ban Youn-hong) 고려사학회 2005 한국사학보 Vol.- No.20

海澄 개항과 새로운 교역망의 형성

채경수 명청사학회 2020 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.54

This article examined the development process of a brand-new oversea commerce network centered around a harbor named Hai-Cheng海澄, which took the official open port of the Ming empire after 1567. This article Significantly dealt with the connection of Hai-Cheng海澄 with Manila, which was the Spain empire's colonial stronghold of the Eastern Asian Seas at that time. For the Ming empire, the open of Hai-Cheng海澄 port was a measure to secure coastal stability. Many pro-trade officials criticized that the indiscriminative sea-ban policy in the late Jia-Jing嘉靖 era had threatened littoral people's livelihood, it made them conspire with wokou倭寇 and pirates. They claimed that the license trade system would be the most efficient policy for coastal security. Since the early stage of the open-sea policy,the Ming court's main interest was on the coastal area's long-term stability, rather than the area's economic vitalization or tax revenue. The Hai-Cheng海澄 oversea trade started to be supervised by systematic license regulations since 1575. At the time, the Spain empire buckled down to an inroad into Eastern-Asian seas. It chose Manila as a colonial stronghold in this area. Not long after, a very prosperous trade network, which was second only to the Macao-Nagasaki route, was developed between Hai-Cheng海澄 and Manila. This trade network developed relying on high profitability, driven by a mutual preference for each other’s goods – Chinese silk and American silver. Further, the stable diplomatic relationship between those empires was a solid foundation for maintaining this trade network. The Hai-Cheng海澄 – Manila trade network was in a crisis of trade break at least twice. The one was the sea-ban of the Ming court in 1593, which was caused by the Korea-Japan War broken out in the previous year. The other was the massacre of the Chinese in Manila by the Spain authority that occurred in 1603. Although both cases could be recognized as severe security threats for the Ming court, neither were led to a long-term commerce disconnection. The Fujianese coastal merchants, who were in oversea trade business, succeeded in fending off or minimizing the sea-bans by lobbying their local governments. The local officials, who tried to persuade the central government to withdraw the sea-ban for protecting the oversea trade merchants' profit, presented a critical argument that open-sea is a better policy than a sea-ban for coastal security. Due to conceding its validity, the Ming court maintained the license trade system consistently, despite security crises. The Hai-Cheng海澄 – Manila trade network kept flourishing by balancing the Ming's security interest and the merchant's economic interest. The Spain authority in Manila also played an essential role in this trade network due to maintaining a non-hostile mood with the Ming built up during initial contact. The massacre of the Chinese in 1603 could escalate into a severe conflict between these empires. However, both powers defused the situation quickly by a swift diplomatic negotiation. The Hai-Cheng海澄 – Manila trade network kept functioning as if nothing had happened.

海澄에서 厦門으로 ― 16~17세기 복건 해외무역 창구의 변화 ―

蔡暻洙 ( Chae Kyung-soo ) 명청사학회 2022 명청사연구 Vol.- No.58

This paper traces the process of the conversion of overseas trade channels in the Fujian region from the end of the 16th century to the end of the 17th century, focusing on the political and economic background surrounding it. Haicheng(海澄) was the only official overseas trade port at the end of the Ming Dynasty. Xiamen(厦門) was also one of the four maritime ports established by the Qing Empire in implementing the open sea policy after conquering Taiwan. Related studies dealt with the two harbor cities with considerable weight as external channels for the two early modern empires, the Ming and the Qing. In most cases, however, each city was analyzed in its historical context as a separate issue. Most studies did not treat the two cities as a continuous relationship. The two harbor cities are geographically very close and capable of similar functions within the region. In short, they are replaceable to each other. In the early 17th century, Xiamen has taken the status of the main harbor of the region instead of Haicheng, but the explanation of the background dynamics is still insufficient. Anhai(安海) is less renowned than the before-mentioned two port cities. However, recent studies of the Zheng group revealed that the first leader, Zheng Zhi-long(鄭芝龍), operated an exclusive smuggling network centered on Anhai for decades since he surrendered to the Ming empire. As the Zheng group gained official power, Anhai took over the control of the trade network from Haicheng, the existing trade center, and functioned as a transitional center of the Fujian overseas trade network until the Zheng group moved to the new center, Xiamen. Therefore, to accurately understand the transition from Haicheng to Xiamen, it is necessary to understand the functions performed and the status enjoyed by Anhai. The change between the three port cities for 120 years can be said to be the product of conflict, compromise, and confrontation between continental and maritime forces over the unprecedented economic interest called ‘the expansion of global silver trade’. In simple terms, it was linked directly with the rise and fall of the Zheng group. The transition from Haicheng to Anhai occurred for the Zheng group was conceived in the aftermath of the confrontation between the Spain Empire and the VOC over East Asian seas to take over the trade network with China. The transition from Anhai to Xiamen occurred during the massive political event, called “the Ming-Qing transition.” The Xiamen trade system was built during the post-processing process after the Qing Empire eliminated the Zheng group of Taiwan.

遷界令의 전략적 의미 재검토 ― 복건 연해 해상세력의 동향을 중심으로 ―

채경수 명청사학회 2017 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.48

Zheng regime had been fighting against Qing effectively over 40 years. As is well known, Zheng forces’ anti-Qing activity was based on the continuous support of the Maritime people. Naturally, the confrontation between Zheng and Qing has been portrayed as a zero-sum game of two rival forces to win the support of the coastal residents. As a result, the researchers have paid much attention to the Maritime policy of Qing - sea ban and Great Clearance - and its influences. However, the existing studies on Great Clearance have a sort of tendency to evaluate it as a failed policy that resulted enormous economic losses in the coastal region, while not gaining the expected achievement - the economic isolation of the Zheng regime. Therefore, this study proceeded based on the perspective that the strategic role of Great Clearance cannot be underestimated, since this policy played a very important role to breaking down Zheng regime in Taiwan, even though it did not achieve its initial anticipated performance. This paper examines the strategic significance of Great Clearance and found that the continuation of this policy break down the profit-sharing relationship between Zheng regime and the coastal residents. In order to confirm this, this paper focuses on three different periods. The first period is from 1661 to 1664. During this time, Qing began to enforce Great Clearance and finally succeeded in occupying the coastal bases of Zheng regime. The second period is from 1664 to 1673, when Qing continued to enforce Great Clearance, but there was no direct confrontation between Qing and Zheng regime. The third period is from 1674 onwards, when Revolt of the Three Feudatories broke out and Zheng Jing(鄭經) advanced to the coastal regions of Fujian again. After analyzing these periods, this paper concludes that the strategic implication of Great Clearance are as follows. First of all, Great Clearance did not achieve its direct goal – the economic isolation of Zheng regime. When Qing enforced Great Clearance, Zheng regime still monopolized the interests of maritime trade, and it allowed Zheng to maintain his regime stably. However, from a long-term point of view, Great Clearance successfully separated the profit-sharing relationship between Zheng regime and the coastal residents. Those two groups were no longer able to share interests, which led to changes in the attitudes of the coastal residents toward Zheng regime. Such changes were captured by the Governor General of Fujian, Yao Qisheng(姚啓聖), who won the costal residents over to Qing side through “summon and appease”(招撫), and made a groundwork for Qing to conquer Taiwan later on.