명대 궁정 교방의 ‘만국래조’ 공연에 관한 연구

김순희 중국학연구회 2017 중국학연구 Vol.- No.81

이 논문은 명나라 궁정 교방(敎坊)의 ‘만국래조(萬國來朝)’ 계열 악무(樂舞)와 잡극(雜劇)에 드러나는 황실 이데올로기 구현의 정황을 탐색하면서, 그 공연의 실체를 만수절(萬壽節)의 사신(使臣) 조공(朝貢)이라는 문화적 환경 하에 재조명하려는 데에 궁극적 목적이 있다. 먼저 만국에서 내조한 사신을 접대한 궁정 연향(宴饗)의 사례를 살펴보고, 「헌종행락도(憲宗行樂圖)」(1485)에서 청사자(靑獅子)와 함께 행진하는 호인(胡人)들의 조공 모습에 주목하였다. 이어서 명나라 궁정의 악무 종목들을 문헌 기록과 그림 자료를 통해 살펴보았다. 만수절에는 교방이 주관하는 대규모의 연향이 벌어져 황제에게 9번 술잔을 올리며 삼무(三舞)・백희(百戱)・대무(隊舞) 종목을 공연하였다. 이 가운데 「무안사이지무(撫安四夷之舞)」와 「팔만헌보(八蠻獻寶)」, 「구이진보대무(九夷進寶隊舞)」, 「만국래조대무(萬國來朝隊舞)」 등 사신의 조공 모티브와 연관되는 종목을 확인할 수 있었다. 다음으로 ‘황제의 생신을 경하 드리기 위해 만국에서 조공을 오다’라는 뜻의 교방 잡극 「축성수만국래조(祝聖壽萬國來朝)」의 내용 전개와 극중 인물을 분석하면서 ‘중화주의(中華主義)’ 이데올로기 구현의 정황을 검토하였다. 전체 극에 걸쳐 한나라 개국 공신들이 천하통일과 태평성대를 찬양하고 여러 이민족의 순종적인 조공 모습을 표현하고 있다. 나아가 사신들의 조공을 표현하는 과정에서 활용된 공연들과 만수절 잔치의 재현 상황까지도 고찰하였다. 그 결과 교방 잡극이 당시 탈놀이 형태로 공연되었거나 최소한 일부 동물연희들이 삽연 되었을 가능성을 엿볼 수 있었다. 특히 고려(高麗)가 해동청(海東靑)을 사냥해 바치는 장면이나, 토번(土番)에서 조공한 백호(白虎)와 금전표(金錢豹)가 무대에 오르는 장면이 대표적이다. 이와 같이 상투적 내용이라는 기존 관점을 넘어, 교방 잡극 공연의 실체에 한 걸음 더 다가갔다는 점에 연구의 의의가 있다.

顧齋 李炳殷의 學問과 思想

이형성 한국유교학회 2009 유교사상문화연구 Vol.36 No.-

유학은 향내적(向內的)으로 인간의 진실성을 체현하고 향외적(向外的)으로 교화를 통한 사회적 질서를 확립하는 학문이다. 이러한 유학이 새롭게 체계화되었으니, 바로 송나라 때의 성리학(性理學)이다. 조선은 성리학을 수용하여 국가와 사회 전반에 응용하여 국기(國基)를 보존하였다. 그러나 조선은 19세기 중엽 이후 정치ㆍ사회ㆍ문화적으로 내우외환을 겪으며 혼란을 야기하였다. 당시 지성인들은 서구문물에 대해서는 '척사위정(斥邪衛正)'으로, 일제의 침략에 대해서는 '국기수호(國基守護)'로 대처하였다. 본 논문은 20세기 중엽까지 활동한 고재(顧齋) 이병은(李炳殷)의 학문과 사상을 고찰한 것이다. 이병은은 간재(艮齋) 전우(田愚)의 문하에서 학문을 닦았다. 그는 급격한 변화와 일제강점기에 활동하면서 오로지 전통적 유학사상에 대한 확고한 신념을 가지고 활동하였다. 이병은은 학문을 탐구하면서 자연운행이나 인간생활이 천명(天命)이 아닌 것이 없지만 학문의 성취는 오직 천명으로 돌릴 수 없다고 하여 학문적 노력을 매우 강조하였다. 그리하여 그는 향의적(向義的) 삶 속에서 농사와 독서를 겸행하는데 힘썼다. 농사는 바로 자급(自給)을 위한 자강(自强)이고, 독서는 고금의 역사와 세계를 올바로 보기 위한 자강이다. 특히 그는 독서를 통해 객관적 표준인 리를 궁구하고 체득하여야 한다는 리(理) 중시적 사고를 가지며 '일리함만수설(一理涵萬殊說)'을 주장하였다. 그는 이러한 학문을 토대로 전우의 심본성설(心本性說)과 성사심제설(性師心弟說)을 따르면서도, 심의 자의성이 정도(正道)로 향하도록 하기 위해 성(性)을 스승으로 삼아야 함을 한층 더 강조하였다. 그가 리와 성을 중시한 것은 바로 절의정신으로 드러나고 사회적 윤리로서 가장 구체적이고 현실적인 인륜도덕을 중시하는 경향으로 나아갔으며, 또한 당시 부패한 유림들이 정도로 나아가야만 한다는 도덕적 역할을 촉구하는 성향으로 나아갔다. Confucianism is a scholarship that, inwardly, embodies the truthfulness of humans and, outwardly, establishes the public order through enlightenment. This Confucianism was newly systematized and it is Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. Joseon accepted Neo-Confucianism and applied it to the overall nation and the society in order to preserve the foundation of the nation. However, Joseon faced political, social, and cultural troubles at home and abroad after the mid 19th century and confusion started to prevail all over. The intellectuals, at that time, opposed to the western civilization with 'Chuksawijung(斥邪衛正: excluding the wickedness and preserving the justice)' and resisted the invasion of Japanese imperialism with 'Kukisuho(國基守護: guarding the foundation of the nation).' This thesis examined the scholarship and ideas of Gojae Byungeun Yi who carried out his activities until the mid 20th century. He pursued his learning under the instruction of Ganjae Woo Jeon. He, going through the rapid changes and working in the Japan's colonial rule of Korea, adhered to his concrete belief in the traditional ideas of Confucianism only. Byungeun Yi placed great emphasis on academic efforts believing that nature and human lives were all dependent on the Providence but academic achievements should not be so completely. Thus, he made an effort to farm and read together in his righteousness-oriented life. Farming is a strenuous effort for self-sustenance and reading is another for looking right at the history and world of the past and the present. Especially pursued the yi-centered thinking which required through studying of and mastering yi, the objective standard, by reading and insisted on 'the theory of Ilihamhmansu (一理涵萬殊說).' He, based on such scholarship, followed Woo Jeon's theory of Shimbonsung(心本性: the original nature of mind) and another theory of Sungsashimje(性師心弟: nature is the master; mind is the disciple), and he stressed all the more that nature should be the master to have the mind's own will head to the path of righteousness. From his putting much importance on yi(理: the basic principles) and nature, he showed his loyalty to his principles; he pursued the way which valued the most specific and realistic ethics and morality moved toward a direction in which he urged the corrupted Confucian scholars for playing moral roles.

1780년 열하의 칠순 만수절과 건륭의 ‘제국’

구범진 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

This paper examines the historical context of the Qianlong emperor's seventy-sui birthday celebration in Chengde, 1780. To many scholars, this birthday celebration was historically significant mainly because of the Third Panchen Lama's presence there. While it is true that Qianlong gave special treatment to the Panchen Lama to showcase his role as the great protector of Tibetan Buddhism, this element of the event reveals at best one part of the whole and there is another important aspect that deserves our attention. This paper pays attention to Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday, which was unprecedented in Qing history, as a special moment to commemorate his military and political achievements as a Qing ruler, and argues that this birthday celebration was his way of commemorating his empire building in Central Eurasia in the presence of those very peoples who had newly submitted to him. Qianlong chose to celebrate his seventy-sui birthday in Chengde, not in Beijing where all the previous Qianlong's decennial birthdays had been celebrated until the sixty-sui birthday. By choosing Chengde over Beijing, Qianlong was able to bring together all the top leaders of the Dörböt Mongols as well as Uriyangkhais and the Torghut Mongols. Most of these peoples had no immunity toward smallpox and could not have come to Beijing. Qianlong knew very well that the Panchen Lama's presence would make them more willing to come to Chengde since they were followers of the Geluk sect of Tibetan Buddhism. In addition to these peoples, however, Qianlong also brought to Chengde the Muslim begs of East Turkistan and the Tibetan tusi chieftains of western Sichuan. Here it is important to note that it was under the rule of Qianlong that all the above peoples were newly incorporated into the Qing empire. In the 1750s Qianlong completed the conquest of the Zunghars, which brought the Dörböts and Uriyangkhais under his rule, and subjected the Uyghur Muslims. In 1771 the Torghuts returned to the pasture of their ancestors, who had migrated from Zungharia west to the Volga in the 1630s, and declared their allegiance to Qianlong. In addition, in the second Jinchuan campaign of 1771-76 he pacified the Tibetan people in western Sichuan. It is evident, then, that Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday celebration on the 13th day of the 8th lunar month in 1780 was designed not only to commemorate his ties with Tibetan Buddhism. Qianlong's intention was grander: he wanted to orchestrate a spectacular celebration of his lifetime achievements in Qing empire building in Central Eurasia.

조선 후기 박쥐문의 도입과 왕실 내 사용 양상

노지현(Roh, Jihyun) 한국미술사학회 2023 미술사학연구 Vol.- No.318

본 연구는 명청대 만수절 장수기복문으로 사용된 박쥐문을 조선 왕실이 도입한 정황과 이를 적용한 양상을 밝히는 데 목적을 둔다. 지금까지 조선 후기 박쥐문은 중국풍 문양 혹은 추상적인 복(福)의 상징으로 해석되었다. 그러나, 박쥐문은 조선과 중국에서 모두 왕실 최고위층의 장수를 기원했던 고급 문양이었다. 조선왕실에서 가장 이른시점 확인되는 박쥐문은 영조 연간이다. 그리고 정조 연간 박쥐문은 큰 문양적 발전을 이루며 청 박쥐문에 가까워진다. 이와 같은 변화에 기반해 조선의 본격적인 문양 도입 정황을 살펴보고자 양국의 외교활동에 주목했다. 그 결과, 정조 연간 청 문물과의 교류 확대로 조선에 유입된 법랑기가 조선 박쥐문 제작에 영향을 미쳤을 것으로 보인다. 이후 조선에서는 청의 사례와 동일한 용례, 의미, 형태, 사용 계층을 보이는 박쥐문이 확인된다. 결론적으로 박쥐문은 장수기복문이며, 나아가 조선 왕실이 청조와 교류를 통해 문양의 의미를 이해하고 의례의 목적에 맞춰 문양을 사용한 정황을 확인할 수 있었다. This study aims to clarify how bat design, originally developed in Ming and Qing dynasties to wish for longevity on the Imperial Birthday, were introduced to and used by the royal family of Chosŏn. Until now, bat designs of late Chosŏn were interpreted as being of Chinese influence or as common symbol of good fortune. However, in both countries, bat design could be employed only by the royal family to wish for longevity. The earliest example of bat design in Chosŏn appeared during the reign of King Yŏngjo, and by King Chŏngjo’s time, it had evolved significantly to resemble Qing designs. I have focused on Chosŏn’s diplomatic relations with Qing to understand this development. During the reign of King Chŏngjo, prolific cultural exchanges brought Qing enamelware to Chosŏn, which likely had impact on the use of bat design. After this period, bat design in Chosŏn was used for the same social class, with the same purpose significance, and form as in the case of Qing. In conclusion, the meaning of bat design was fully understood in Chosŏn by the royal court through cultural exchanges with Qing, and it was used accordingly, to wish for longevity.

[중국, 중국의 길을 가다] 기록사진으로 만나는 사행노정 3

신춘호 고요아침 2017 오늘의 가사문학 Vol.- No.14

건륭제(乾隆帝)가 청대(淸代) 내정연희(內廷演戱) 발전에 미친 영향

신지영 ( Jee Young Shin ) 영남중국어문학회 2007 중국어문학 Vol.0 No.50

조선의 청 황제 성절 축하와 건륭 칠순 ‘진하 외교’

구범진 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2014 한국문화 Vol.68 No.-

Starting from 1637, Joseon was required to send to the Qing capital Shenyang regular embassies for three annual events in addition to the annual tribute mission: the imperial birthday, the winter solstice, and the New Year's Day. In 1645, the Qing court, which then had moved its capital to Beijing, ordered the king of Joseon to combine all the regular embassies into one and to send a combined embassy at the New Year's Day. Since then, the Joseon court did not send its official missions for the imperial birthdays. In this historical context, three speical embassies that King Jeongjo dispatched in 1780, when the Qianlong emperor turned seventy-sui, deserve our attention. Firstly, when King Jeongjo sent a regular embassy for the New Year's Day of 1780, he assigned to the embassy an unusual mission: Celebrating Qianlong's unprecedented longevity in Qing history. Secondly, Jeongjo dispatched a special embassy solely to commemorate Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday on the thirteenth day of the eighth lunar month. Qianlong was highly delighted by this, and had the emissaries from Joseon come to Chengde and attend the celebrating ritual and feistivities there. Thirdly, Jeongjo sent an independent embassy to give thanks for the emperor's favorable treatment to the embassy and special gifts for him. It is noteworthy that Jeongjo decided to send this independent embassy regardless of the fact that a regualr embassy for the New Year's Day of 1781 was scheduled to depart for Beijing only three days after. King Jeongjo did not dispatch these embassies because he was ordered to do so by the Qianlong emperor; Jeongjo did so out of his own volition. And a further of investigation of the embassies that Jeongjo sent to the Qianlong's court in other years reveals that Jeongjo was attempting to cultivate a better relationship with the Qing court by dispatching special embassies as often as he could. Qianlong would repond to his actions of sincerity as a tributary king by granting special favors. It can be said that the Joseon court under King Jeongjo, having overcome, if not completely, the trauma it had to suffer in the 1630s, was at last steering toward a new stage in its relation with the Qing court.