가족관계등록법의 문제점 및 그 개선방안

문흥안(Moon, Heung-Ahn) 조선대학교 법학연구원 2013 法學論叢 Vol.20 No.1

호주제도의 폐지를 계기로 새로이 입법된 가족관계등록제도는 종래의 신분등록제도의 틀을 완전히 바꾸었다. 국민 개개인의 신분사항 및 친족관계 등 기초자료를 전산정보처리조직에 의하여 저장․관리하여 두고, 친족․상속 등과 관련된 권리의무관계를 증명하기 위하여 전산상의 증명서 양식에 해당 전산정보자료를 끌어내어 화면상에 현출된 것을 출력하여 이를 발급하는 시스템이다. 그동안 논란의 중심이었던 ‘호주’, 호주와 관련된 제도와 명칭이 퇴출되었다. 그러나 신분등록은 연속성을 가질 수밖에 없으므로 형식이나 명칭에 있어서는 과거와의 단절이지만 실질적으로 일정부분 그 내용에 있어서는 과거와의 연속선상에 있을 수밖에 없다. 이 논문에서는 남녀평등의 이념을 실현하기 위한 법률개정의 소극성이 헌법재판소를 통한 법률개정으로 이어지며, 국회의 입법권에 대한 독점적 지위가 약화되는 현상을 살펴보았다. 새로운 가족관계등록법의 제정과 시행 과정에서 나타난 사생활보호를 위한 가족관계등록법의 개정과 문제점을 연구하였다. 이 법의 제정과정에서 가족관계등록부의 관장기관을 둘러싸고 대법원과 법무무의 치열한 논리적 공방이 있었다. 이는 1949년 제헌의회에서 법원과 법무부의 대립 이래 다시 두 기관이 논쟁을 벌였으나 국회는 대법원을 가족관계등록사무의 관장기관으로 재천명하여 논란의 종지부를 찍었다. 새로운 신분등록증명서의 발급은 시행 당시 가족관계증명서ㆍ기본증명서ㆍ혼인관계증명서ㆍ입양관계증명서ㆍ친양자입양관계증명서 등 5종류였으나, 노출되는 개인정보가 과다하다는 비판에 따라 위의 5종류의 전부증명 내용 중, 일부의 기록사항만을 현출하는 ‘일부사항 증명방식’의 증명서제도를 신설하여 운영하고 있다. 이러한 10종류의 등록사항별 증명서제도의 도입으로 개인의 사생활보호에 큰 기여를 하고 있다. 그러나 신분관계증명서가 전산방식으로 입력된 정보자료의 조합이라는 장점을 최대한 살리면, 개인정보의 자기결정권을 보장하면서도 필요최소한의 정보를 제공하기 위한 다양한 증명서를 현출할 수 있는 방안이 마련될 수 있을 것이다. 이에 대한 연구가 필요하다. 가족관계등록부와 호적부 및 제적부와의 관계가 문제된다. 새로운 가족관계등록제도가 시행됨에 따라 모든 호적이 제적되었으므로 이제 제적부는 더 이상 국민의 신분증명에 사용되어서는 안 되는 것이 원칙이다. 그러나 호적부의 허위신고 등으로 이중호적이 아직도 문제가 되고 있는 현실에서 오류의 정정이나 이중호적의 정리를 위해서 여전히 호적부(제적부 포함)의 신분증명의 역할은 크다. 호적의 정정과 이중호적의 정리는 가족관계등록제도 하에서도 여전히 현재진행인 문제이다. 정확한 신분관계의 공시ㆍ공증이라는 본연의 임무를 수행하기 위한 가족관계등록부의 정정과 제적부의 정정 그리고 이중가족관계등록부의 정리를 위한 노력이 필요하다. 한편 북한은 호적제도를 폐지하였지만 남한은 호적제도의 바탕 위에 새로운 개인별 가족등록제도를 도입하고 있어, 가족관계등록부가 남북이산가족의 접점의 장이 될 전망이다. 따라서 남북한 이산가족의 가족동질성을 확인할 수 있는 제도적 보완을 위한 지속적인 노력이 필요하다. Enactment of the New Family Registration Law was supposed to be attained through improvement of the national consciousness and fulfillment of the electoral fledges of the former presidents. However it came to prove that it was only a result of the political compromise during its legislation process. The efforts to amend the family law for abolition of the patriarchal family system (the “Hoju System”) and realization of gender equality ended up with the enactment of the New Family Registration Law. The constitutional nonconformity decision toward the Hoju System from the Constitutional Court and the abolition of the Hoju System on the civil law led the abolition of the Family Registration Act and the birth of the New Family Registration Law. Under the current method of identity registry system, an individual gets only one record. The Family Relationship Registration record is registered for each individual and it contains all the identity information from one’s birth to death. Once the Family Relationship Registration record is registered, changes on one’s identity such as marriage, adoption, divorce and etc. never cause any revision on the identity registry but rather they are recorded additionally. Unlike the former system, there are 5 types of different documents for the new identity registration certificate; Family Relation Certificate, Standard Certificate, Certificate of Marriage, Adoption Relation Certificate and Volladoption Relation Certificate. Issue of such certificates shows all of the related information on the Family Relationship Registration record. However societal demand to protect private information such as marital status, parental right or adoption led the amendment of the Family Registration Law. Now the New Family Registration Law allows two options for each certificate to be issued either with the whole record or a certain part of the record. Even though the introduction of this new method for certificate issue contributes a lot to protection of individual privacy, it has not been polished enough to satisfy people’s expectation yet. It is clear that a bit of adjustment is required to the recent change on the identity registration certificate. The mismatch of scope of family between the Family Relation Certificate and the civil law could cause a huge confusion in the society. Also there will be growing demand for protection of personal information control right. An individual should be entitled to select the necessary information printed on the certificate instead of choosing a certain type from the certificates with the fixed templates. A creative measure is urgently needed to provide options for various types of certificates with minimum exposure of individual information at the same time the personal information control right is guaranteed.

REAL ID Act of 2005 - Privacy Concerns, Questionable Efficiency, and Uncooperative States -

Erin E. Murphy(에린 머피) 원광대학교 법학연구소 2016 圓光法學 Vol.32 No.4

미국에는 공식적인 국가적 신분증명제도가 없다. 역사적으로 사회보장번호가 사실상 행정적, 금융적, 법적, 개인적 이용을 위해서 사용되는 신분증명번호로 사용되어 왔다. 2001년의 9월11일 사건 이후로, 연방정부는 진정한 신분증명법(REAL ID Act)을 통과시켰는데, 이 법은 각 주(state)가 신분증명에 관한 새로운 연방규정에 대한 승낙을 할 것을 필요로 한다. 이 법은 오랜 동안 논쟁의 늪에 빠져 있었는데, 이는 많은 주 입법기관이 승낙을 거부하고, 학문적·정치적으로 몇 가지 의문이 제기되었기 때문인데, 그 제기된 의문은 효율성과 안보, 그리고 각 주의 신분증명의 요건과 절차에 관한 정밀분석의 필요성에 관한 것들이다. 반대론자들은 이 법이 안보상의 약점을 증대시킬 것이라고 믿는 반면, 찬성론자들은 이 법이 테러와의 전쟁에 도움이 되는 효과적인 방법이라고 믿는다. 연방정부가 이 비용이 많이 들고 논쟁거리가 아주 많은 이 입법을 다시 하지 않을 것이라는 점은 명백하다. 연방정부는 Real ID 법을 승인하지 않는 주의 승인기한연장을 거부했다. 이르면 2018년부터 REAL ID에 따른 신분증명이 없이 이들 주를 여행하는 것은 제한을 받게 될것이다, 사생활보호, 효율성 및 필요성에 관한 문제, 그리고 많은 주가 REAL ID법을 따르지 않는 문제 등으로 인하여 미국이 나누어져 있다는 것과, 진정한 국가적 신분증명 프로그램의 이행이 임박한 현실이 아니고 또한 임박한 현실이 되지 않을 것은 명백하다. The United States does not have a formal national identification system. Historically, the Social Security Number has been used as a de facto identification number for governmental, financial, legal, and private uses. After the events of September 11, 2001, the federal government passed a law called the REAL ID Act, which would necessitate states to comply with new federal regulations regarding identification. This legislation has been mired in a lengthy battle, with many state legislatures refusing compliance, both academic and political questions being raised regarding the efficiency, security and the necessity of overhauling each state’s identification requirements and procedures. Opponents believe this will lead to increased security vulnerability, while proponents believe this is an effective way to aid in the war on terror. It is clear that the federal government is not going back on this expensive and highly contested legislation, as extensions have recently been denied to non-compliant states. As early as 2018, domestic travel will be affected in those states without REAL ID compliant identification. With privacy, efficiency and necessity concerns, and the lack of compliance by many states with the REAL ID Act, it is clear that The United States is divided on this issue and that true implementation of a national identification program is not an imminent reality and should not be.

미군정기 이후 `신분증명서`를 통한 개인의 관리와 통치

이정은 ( Lee Jeong-eun ) 한국사회사학회 2016 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.111

이 글은 해방 이후부터 주민등록제도가 시행되기 전까지, 개인 스스로가 자신의 정체성을 끊임없이 증명해야 했던 제도의 변화과정을 남한의 인민/국민의 파악기제인 `신분증명서`를 중심으로 분석한다. 연합군사령부 관할 하에 식민지민과 피식민지민의 송환과정에서 사용된 증명장치들이 미군정기과 한국전쟁기를 거쳐 현재와 같은 주민등록체계로 발전할 수 있었던 계기를 추적한다. 이 과정에서 일본의 사례는 한국의 강력한 주민등록증 제도와 다른 주민파악 기제가 시행되는 대조점으로 간략하게 다룬다. 이 논문은 한국사회에서 개인의 면밀한 파악이 이뤄지는 주민등록증 제도에 대해 대중들이 무감하거나 당연시하게 된 역사적 과정과 사회적 논리를 제시하는 데에 그 의의가 있다. This article analyzed the transformation process of individuals forced to prove their Korean citizenship and identities after the liberation and until the new resident registration system was finally implemented. This paper traced the opportunities that the certified and the verifiability of repatriation process of citizen colonized Korea and colonizing Japan, under the jurisdiction of the GHQ, had been developed into a certain registration system similarly observed in the contemporary context. In this process, Japan`s case was a comparative point wherein the certified system of Korea was more strongly defined and divergent. This paper has the means of showing the historical process and social logic that the individual citizens have been insensitive and no doubt about ID card system in Korea.

블록체인 기반 온라인 신분증명 스킴

최상용(SangYong Choi) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2018 한국컴퓨터정보학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.26 No.2

온라인 신분증명에는 공인인증서, I-PIN, 휴대전화 등이 사용된다. 서비스 제공자는 사용자의 신분을 증명한 후 사용자의 정보를 회원가입과 같은 절차를 통해 수집하고 저장한다. 이와 같이 중앙에서 관리하는 것은 관리적 측면의 편리성은 존재하지만 관리시스템 자체가 단일 실패 지점으로서의 위험성과 해킹 등으로 인한 개인정보 유출의 위험성이 상존한다. 최근 중앙관리의 한계를 급복하기 위해 분산 원장관리 기술인 블록체인 기술이 등장하였다. 블록체인 기술은 각각의 정보의 블록을 체인으로 연결하여 블록체인에 참여하는 각 노드에 의해 관리하는 분산관리 기술이다. 본 논문에서는 블록체인 기술을 기반으로 하는 온라인신분증명 스킴을 제안한다. 블록체인을 기반으로 하기 때문에 개인의 정보를 중앙에서 관리할 필요가 없다. 또한 블록체인의 특성상 위변조로부터 안전하다는 장점이 있다. 마지막으로, 제안하는 방법에서 노드에 저장되는 개인정보는 암호화하는 방법을 사용하여 타인의 정보를 볼 수 없도록 하는 기밀성을 제공할 수 있어 노출에 대한 안전성을 제공한다.

明代 前期 外國 使節의 身分證明 方式과 國家間 體系

정동훈 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

This paper basically examines the types of travel and identification documents for official foreign envoys at the Chinese borders and the principles of the international order that the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) tried to establish in East Asia. This research further defines and illustrates the term so-called ‘inter-state system’ in East Asia between the late fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries. After the foundation of the Ming dynasty, frequent visits of foreign delegations gradually became a political and financial burden to the Ming court. Consequently, the Chinese court decided to impose a strict sea blockade and allow only the official tributary envoys to set foot on Chinese soil. When the foreign envoys arrived at the border, they had to prove that they were officially sent by their country. There were several kinds of credentials used when they went through the entry procedure such as tally, part of official seal or documentation, called kamhap (勘合), to be matched with another part of the seal or document for authenticity (for envoys from Japan and Southeast Asia) or an imperial warrant, called kongch’ik (貢勅), issued by the Ming court (for envoys from Mongol and Jurchen tribal groups) or an official warrant, called ch’ach’a (差箚), issued by the Chosǒn court (for Korean envoys). There were only fifteen states which received the official identification kamhap from Ming China. The rulers of these foreign states also all commonly received a Chinese investiture. That is, the Ming court guaranteed the rulers of the selected neighboring states not only political authority but also economic interests by granting exclusive rights to monopolize trade with China. On the other hand, the rulers were obligated to control and intercept illegal diplomatic and trade activities within their territory. In other words, as the Ming court could not directly intervene in all of the neighboring regions, they selected some subordinate partner states and granted them a political and economic privilege, as well as a duty to maintain stable international order. Ming China accepted the diplomatic travel documents issued by the Chosǒn court unlike other foreign states. It was because China shared the same writing and document management systems with Korea. The Chosǒn also never pursued economic interests in their relationship with Ming China. Additionally, the Chosǒn court was strong enough to prevent any problem of diplomatic imposters (wisa, 僞使) and fabricate Chosǒn diplomatic credentials. More significantly, Chosǒn was seen as a model and ideal foreign state by Ming China based on these distinguishing points. Ming China wanted to establish the ‘states’ ruled by kings in their surrounding regions and admitted the selected polities—only in the form of state—as their negotiation partner. With a Chinese investiture and official travel and identification documents, the Ming granted the selected neighboring states exclusive rights and imposed duties on them at the same time in their relationship with China. After all, the Ming court and the rulers of such recognized foreign states could only become the main agents of negotiation between the states in East Asia. Ultimately, this paper brings the term ‘inter-state system’ to describe the characteristics of Ming China’s foreign relationship with neighboring states, as well as the uniqueness of the Chosǒn dynasty in the ‘inter-state system’ in East Asia. These are all the central propositions to which this paper is devoted.

조선 전기 부경사절에게 발급된 신분증명서와 명 국내 역로 이용 절차

이재경 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2023 한국문화 Vol.- No.101

This paper will reconstruct the form and content of the travel documents issued by the Joseon government for its tributary missions to enter into Ming territory. Also, the research will then examine the administrative function of the documents and the immigration procedures of the Ming Liaodong military office, which permitted Joseon missions to use the Ming postal system on their way to Beijing. Previous studies have recognized the Ipchaekbodan(入柵報單), a document included in diplomacy manual Tongmungwanji(通文館志), as a passport that recorded the number of people in every Joseon tributary mission. However, the Ipchaekbodan was not an official document issued by the Joseon king or government, but rather an application paper for entry that the envoys filled out and submitted when entering Qing territory. The passport issued by the Joseon government to its envoys to Ming was a set of Chagwan(差關) and Chabi(差批), which were sealed by the Office of State Councilors. The Chagwan was essentially a duty assignment paper to the envoy, listing the number of people in his mission and requiring the provision of the horses needed. The Chabi was a complementary document to the Chagwan, written to guarantee the procurement of personal horses for the envoys themselves to ride to Beijing. Thus, Chagwan and Chabi were official documents issued by the Joseon government, listing the required provision and horses. It seems that Chagwan had been used as a passport for tributary missions as early as the third year of King Sejong (1421), and was issued whenever an envoy was dispatched to China until the end of the 19th century. Chagwan and Chabi were written according to the format of the Ming official travel documents, which were designed to be used with the Fuyan(符驗), the imperial license for official travelers. Chagwan and Chabi took the form of Ming official travel documents because Joseon inherited the historical experience of the Goryeo dynasty under the Mongol Empire. As a vassal state of the great Mongol Empire, the Goryeo dynasty received Mongolian imperial travel licenses and issued Mongolian travel documents to its envoys to the imperial court. When the Ming dynasty overthrew the Mongols in China proper, Goryeo "returned" the Mongolian travel licenses to the Ming and requested Ming replacements. It is assumed that Goryeo and Joseon altered the form of their travel documents according to Ming style after Goryeo received Ming travel licenses. Chagwan and Chabi were insufficient to guarantee a smooth immigration process for Joseon envoys to Ming. The travel documents issued by the Joseon government and the certification granted by the Ming emperor were complementary. Also, Joseon tributary envoys needed other relevant papers as well. A Joseon tributary mission departed Seoul for Ming with an imperial certificate (Fuyan) from the Ming emperor, an official letter(咨文) from the king of Joseon to the Liaodong military office requesting cooperation in the immigration of the envoys, and a set of Chagwan and Chabi. After joining the security convoy in Uiju, the mission proceeded to the Lianshan Gate(連山關) and submitted the Chagwan and Chabi, and his application paper(報單) which included the number of the mission and the security convoy. When the mission arrived in Liaoyang, they submitted the royal letter to Liaodong military office. Then the office processed the immigration procedures for the tributary mission according to the contents of the Chagwan and Chabi. .

明代 朝鮮 使行의 身分 證明에 대한 종합 분석 ― 勘合부터 얼굴 認知까지 ―

구도영 명청사학회 2019 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.52

The Ming Dynasty issued national book to many foreign countries at the beginning of the country. Foreign envoys were required to carry national books issued by Ming at the port or border of the Ming Dynasty, and were allowed to enter the country after the process of verifying that the national book was genuine. The National Book of the Ming Dynasty was an essential document for foreign envoys to enter Ming Dynasty. However, the entry procedures of the Joseon Dynasty were different from those of other countries. Over the Yalu River, there were Ming Dynasty officials in kangyeondaebo(江沿臺堡), Tangcham(湯站) and Bonghwangsung(鳳凰城) etc., but Joseon envoy was able to enter the country by having conversations with them. Joseon's envoy passed through the station as face recognition on the 420-ri(里) path of the Chinese continent. After arriving at Liaodong’s supreme commander(遼東都司), the immigration process was carried out, and the identification was made through a national document issued by the King of Joseon. The Liaodong’s supreme commander issued necessary administrative documents until the Joseon envoy arrived in Beijing. This is three. First, Liaodong’s supreme commander issued a vehicle license for the Joseon envoy to use from Liaoyang to Beijing. Second, a document was written and issued asking for permission to pass the Shanhaiguan(山海關) of the Joseon envoy. The recipient of this document was Kwangnyeng’s general inspector(廣寧都御史). Joseon envoy submitted the document to Kwangnyeng’s general inspector and received it back as a “Shanhaiguan pass document”. Third, after passing the Sanhaigwanl, Ming official identified the number of people who were engaged in the Joseon envoy, and a document with the name of the Joseon envoy was also issued by Liaodong’s supreme commander. Finally, when the Joseon envoy was about to return home, Beijing military directorate issued a vehicle license. The difference between Joseon envoy's entry methods(face recognition, Identity certification by submitting documents issued by the Joseon Dynasty) and those of other countries(the possession of a national book issued by the Ming Dynasty) is a clue to understanding the relationship between Joseon and Ming in East Asia.

戰國時代 邊境의 출입자 관리와 符節

宋眞(Song, Jin) 중국고중세사학회 2012 중국고중세사연구 Vol.27 No.-

‘종이 한 장의 주권’: 프랑스 거주 영국인 신교도의 국적과 여권을 둘러싼 영-프 간 외교 분쟁, 1685-86

강석환 영국사학회 2026 영국연구 Vol.55 No.-

본 논문은 1685년 낭트칙령 폐지를 기점으로 프랑스에 거주하던 영국인 신교도들의 국적과 여권 발급을 둘러싸고 벌어진 잉글랜드와 프랑스 간의 외교 분쟁을 고찰한다. 기존의 연구들이 이를 주로 고위급 외교전의 역학이라는 맥락에서 살펴봤던 것과 달리, 이 논문은 파리 주재 잉글랜드 대사 써 윌리엄 트럼불(Sir William Trumbull)이 남긴 서신을 중심으로 영국인 신교도들이 겪었던 ‘종이 한 장(여권 및 신분증명서)’의 투쟁을 추적한다. 프랑스 정부가 자국에 거류하던 영국인 상인들 그리고 이들과 결혼한 프랑스인 여성 및 그 자녀들의 출국을 통제하고 억류하면서 발생한 이 갈등 속에서, 잉글랜드 정부는 자국 신민을 보호하기 위해 적극적으로 여권을 발급하기 시작했다. 이후부터는 이 여권의 효력에 의문을 제기하는 프랑스 관헌과의 또 다른 싸움이 시작되었다. 본 논문은 이 충돌이 여권이라는 문서가 단순한 ‘통행증’을 넘어 소지자가 어느 국가의 배타적 주권에 속하는지를 확정하는 ‘근대적 신분증명서’의 성격이 점차 부각되는 과정의 초기 상황을 보여주는 중요한 창임을 규명한다. 17세기 말의 영-프 여권 분쟁은 한 쪽에서는 서류를 통해 종이 위의 국경을 획정하려는 국가의 식별(identification) 및 통제 권력과, 다른 한 쪽에서는 그 과정에서 스스로의 생존을 도모하려 했던 개인들이 서로 상호작용하는 기나긴 역사의 서막을 연 결정적인 순간이었다. This article examines the dispute between England and France concerning the nationality and passports of English and Scottish Protestants residing in France following the Revocation in 1685. Unlike previous studies that have primarily viewed this issue within the context of high-level diplomatic dynamics, this study tracks the struggle over a “piece of paper” (passports and identification documents) experienced by English and Scottish Protestants, focusing on the letters of Trumbull, the English Envoy Extraordinary to Paris. In this conflict, sparked by the French government’s efforts to detain English and Scottish merchants, and their French wives and children, the English government began issuing passports to protect its subjects. This, in turn, created a battleground in which French officials questioned the validity of these passports. This article argues that this process became an early phase in which the passport began to take on the character of a “modern identity document”—one that confirmed its bearer as the subject of a sovereign state—beyond its earlier role as a mere “travel pass.” The Anglo-French passport dispute of the late 17th century was a decisive moment that opened the prelude to a long history of interaction between the state’s power of identification and control—attempting to draw borders on paper—and individuals seeking their own survival within that process.

戰後 沖縄의 出入管理政策과 出入手續 拒否運動

정신혁 한일민족문제학회 2011 한일민족문제연구 Vol.20 No.-

From the early period of occupation by United States Military Government, traveling into or out of the Okinawa were strictly restricted for the purpose of “military security”. Lying in the core of institutional boundaries dividing mainland Japan and Okinawa were the “entry and exit control policy.” This policy institutionally separated Okinawa by controlling the incoming and outgoing flows of people, functioning as a framework that turned the region into a legally and socio-economically disjoined jurisdiction. United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands (USCAR), founded in December 1950, continued to exercise a substantial authority by controlling access to or from Okinawa until the reversion of Okinawa in 1972. Such a policy, however, brought about discontent demanding the free access in and out of Okinawa, meanwhile USCAR still continued to have control over the access. This study examines the transformation of “entry and exit control policy” in postwar Okinawa, focusing on the relationship between the policy and social movements against it. As “entry and exit control policy” was coming into effective in Okinawa, it created some controversial issues in Okinwan society. For instance, USCAR imposed travel restrictions on the people such as “reversionists” to repress the social resistances against the authority. However, such a policy triggered protests against USCAR, thus the responses by Okinawan people contributed to a gradual relaxation of regulations on travelling Okinawa. And as the passport control refusal movements in late 1960s became active, the target of movements for abolishment of passport control expanded to the Japanese Government, while maintaining its resistive stance against USCAR’s control. In the process, the movements not only called for Okinawa’s legal integration to Japan, but also was related to the struggles against the immigration control system by foreigners in Japan and self-reflective discussions over other minorities in Japan and discrimination problems they were facing. 米軍の沖縄上陸と同時に開始された沖縄における出入統制は、米国の統治下にあった沖縄を日本とは区別された主権的領域として設定し、管理するための重要な施策であった。占領初期の沖縄において「軍事的安全」のために厳しく統制された沖縄の出入は、1960年代以来徐々に自由化されたが、いまだ複雑な出入手続を必要とした。特に、沖縄と本土との自由な人的移動を防ぐことができるという点で、沖縄の出入管理政策は社会的な反発を引き起こした。しかし、琉球列島米国民政府(ユースカー)の立場から見ると、出入管理政策はそうした反応を抑える対応策でもあった。これを重視したユースカーは、沖縄における出入許可権を1972年の沖縄返還まで維持し活用した。要するに、戦後沖縄における出入管理政策は、ユースカーの政策と社会運動との間で生成された緊張関係の中で形成され、変容していったのである。この点に注目して、本稿では、米国統治期の沖縄における出入管理政策の形成·変容過程と社会運動との間の関係を考察することを目指した。出入管理の方針が、沖縄の政治、社会の各分野に直接的な影響を及ぼし、徐々に社会的な争点として浮上すると、ユースカーは、反米的な動き、特に日本への復帰を主張する人々を制御するため渡航規制を発動した。しかし、このような抑制的施策は、1960年代初頭に入ると社会的「逆風」を招くこととなった。この社会的反応は、沖縄返還に至るまでの渡航規制政策の緩和をもたらした重要な要因であった。さらにその過程で、1960年代後半の出入手續拒否運動は、沖を日本の法域として位置づける役割を担った一方、米国の沖縄統治及び日本政府に対する問題提起を伴うことでもあった。この問題提起は歴史的に存在してきた沖縄に対する差別という文脈とも重なるものであり、また日本の「入管体制」下の他のマイノリティへの視線を確保するうえで大きな役割を果たしたと言える。