가정연간(嘉靖年間) 동남연해사회(東南沿海社會)와 월항(月港)의 개방(開放)

( Ji Seon Han ) 중국사학회 2014 중국사연구 Vol.90 No.-

This study presumed that the impetus to change the ban on maritime trade policy(海禁政策) lay in the costal society, aiming to explore the nature of the needs of coastal society in the Jiajing Reign until under the Opening of Yue-Gang. For this purpose, this study analysed the nature of ban on maritime trade(海禁). The ban on maritime trade of Yuan Dynasty unified functions and purpose to secure national profits from trade, but the Ming Dynasty did not. The Ming Dynasty accepted opinions of conservative ban on maritime trade proponents who neglected the commercial prospects of coastal societies with an emphasis on public security with regarding to the violent circumstances there. Zhuwan(朱紈) was sent to the coastal societal area to secure public security through conservative ban on maritime trade by excluding ‘connections(接濟).’ However, this method had an influence on the trade and lives of people in communities and instead induced Japanese invaders further inlanded resulting in severe damage. The people in coastal society were driven to smuggling or piracy. The purpose of ban on maritime trade as a national law was to ensure public security, but the coastal society had gained profits under it. For this, some people in costal society made illegal voyages and engaged in smuggling. However, when the public security in the coastal society was severe, the ban on maritime trade became a barrier to trade by sticking to its original purpose and function. Such a profit-oriented nature of coastal society was separate from the order of the Ming Dynasty which put an emphasis on public security. However, the coastal society had to eliminate violent groups such as Japanese invaders and pirates in order to ensure public security there. As for public security, the coastal society suggested construction of harbors centering on the sea routes of the islands. That is, it was emphasized that it could guarantee the livelihood of people in the coastal areas and it was more practical to reinforce national coastal security through tax income. As these needs were accepted by military officers of the coastal society who had to realize the will to defeat Japanese invaders occupying land during the middle of the Ming Dynasty, an advance to the sea was planned and prepared for. In conclusion, it was discovered that the trade in coastal society could be compatible with national security and the ban on maritime trade policy by the Ming Dynasty could not ensure more public stability. The opening of Yue-Gang was designed to prevent a Japanese invasion and maintain public security at sea.

네덜란드 동인도회사의 기록을 통해 본 明末의 貿易構造― 1620년대 月港 무역의 변화와 澎湖事件 ―

한지선 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

In the early 17th century, The Ming Dynasty had two gates for commerce, but one was only for the Chinese while the other was controled by Portugal. The rule that no trade was allowed in any Chinese area without permission was equated with taboo to the Dutch. However, the fact that the Dutch withdrew from Penghu did not mean that the Ming Dynasty can control over costal area. Behind the conflict between VOC and government officials, there was negotiation on commerce. However, negotiations with the officials did not have constant binding power and might change according to the situation as they were temporary. Xunfu(巡撫) Nan, Ju-yi(南居益) negated what had been negotiated and prohibited trade with the Dutch. Nam Geo-Ik insisted on exclusive rights over the territory, besides he intended to secure a sea route to Manila and protect trading rights in Yue-xiang(月港) to maintain overseas trade. Although administrative or military officers stuck to the principles in political or military terms, they tried to find peaceful measures rather than military solutions. This direction was decided on through adjusting to interests in overseas trade. Meanwhile, merchants who were engaged in overseas trade had serious losses due to the Hai-jin(海禁) and the violent rambles of VOC. So they sought peace between them. In particular, Li, Dan(李旦) was charged with finding a way for diplomacy and commerce between VOC and Chinese officials, and mediated conflicts between them. Also Xu, Xin-Su (許心素) gained a position as an official in Taiwan trade, served as a mediator for non-tribute countries and secured trade space through creating a new trade custom.

明 後期 月港 開港과 壬辰倭亂

조영헌 고려대학교 역사연구소 2017 사총 Vol.90 No.-

近來,對于壬辰倭亂(壬辰戰爭,1592-1598)的再論在國內外?起新一輪熱潮,這是因爲此次戰爭无論從東亞還是世界史方面來看,都是一場意義重大的國際戰爭,有必要重新引起關注.壬辰倭亂發生的背景及戰爭引起的結果,但從一個國家的角度來認識的話略顯牽强,而應當從東亞乃至國際化的脈絡中去審視。 在對這種問題意識完全認可的立場之下,本文從中國和日本的經濟關系及東亞海洋貿易史的觀点出發,對壬辰倭亂的國際化脈絡展開探討。 不過,當時的中日關系?難單純地理解成兩國之間的問題,因爲以南中國海爲媒介進行的與東南亞的交易和進入南中國海的歐洲勢力的介入,促使整個局勢正向所謂的與“全球經濟”連動的復雜活躍的局面轉換。本文主要探討在壬辰倭亂前后的中日關系方面,從被認爲掌握主導權的中國-卽明朝的立場上探討對日關系和海洋政策。在明朝的對外貿易中,海禁政策和朝貢貿易是明朝的兩種基本政策,在壬辰倭亂前后的16世紀后半期,這兩種政策給壬辰倭亂的爆發、明軍的參戰、以及講和協商帶來什?樣的影響,幷且又是如何隨之發生變化的??本文硏究便是從這些疑問開始的。特別是壬辰倭亂發生的25年前,明朝實行了與現行海禁政策截然不同的“月港開港”政策,這種海洋政策的基調變化與壬辰倭亂之間存在?樣的關系、以及?們的關系到底有多大便是本文的硏究目的。 在壬辰倭亂的背景中,月港開港以后持續的排除日本過程中存在海洋 開放這一矛盾性政策指向,以及在對戰爭的談話協商過程中矛盾幷未消失。本文認爲,鎭壓`嘉靖大倭寇`以后實施的月港開港政策將日本排除在外,促使日本與中國直接進行貿易的欲求激增,最終演變成爲16世紀后期壬辰倭亂爆發的導火索。

萬曆연간 海澄縣 상선 징세와 그 배경

남민구(Nam, Mingu) 동양사학회 2019 東洋史學硏究 Vol.149 No.-

This article includes the origin of the impositoj on merchant ships departing from Haicheng county(海澄縣), Fujian Province(福建省) in the Wanli reign. According to Dong Xi Yang Kao(東西洋考), in the middle of Longqing reign, taxation of merchant ships departing from Yuegang, located in Haicheng county, but its origin has not been revealed. But according to a memorial written by Liu Yaohui(劉堯誨), who was the Grand Coordinator of Fujian in Wanli reign, taxation was first conducted in 1572, the 6th year of Longqing reign. Luo Qingxiao(羅靑霄), a Mayor of Zhangzhou prefecture(漳州府知府), seeking to alleviate the tax burden imposed on people in Zhangzhou, persuaded Yin Congjian(殷從儉), the Grand Coordinator of Fujian, to impose on merchant ships departing from Haicheng county. Liu Yaohui, the successor of Yin, reported to the Ming court that taxation of merchant ships in Haicheng county had been conducted by Fujian government, and he established some local ordinances on taxation of merchant ships, which was probably cited from ordinances established by Yin. Meanwhile, the prime minister Zhang Juzheng(張居正) planned to establish a system to reinforce the tax imposition across the whole country, and he nominated Liu as the Grand Coordinator of Fujian to reinforce the system in Fujian. Liu accused Luo of his corruption and poor achievement in tax collection. In fact, Luo was worshipped as a competent officer in Zhangzhou, for alleviating tax rates. But it was the main element to reduce the tax for maritime defense. So Liu needed to dismiss Luo from his post to show his will to increase local taxation in Fujian. And Liu ordered Shen Zhi(沈植), the assistant officer of maritime defense, to establish ordinances on taxation of merchant ships departing from Haicheng county.

17세기 초 동아시아 해양세계의 변화와 해상(海商) 이단(李旦)

한지선 ( Han Ji-seon ) 명청사학회 2015 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.44

A sea trader Li Dan(李旦, ?~1625) is also called Li Xi(李習) and Li Xu(李旭). He was born in Quanzhou(泉州) in about the 1560s. Quanzhou was the place where overseas trade was active from the Song and Yuan Dynasties, and where smuggling was active even when the ban on maritime trade or intercourse with foreign countries(海禁) was implemented in the Ming Dynasty. In particular, overseas sailing by Chinese people became possible after Yuegang(月港), Changchou(漳州) opened. And when sailing trade with Spain started, the Quanzhou and Changchou people actively participated in overseas trade. At that time, Li Dan was active in Manila under these circumstances. li Dan was a head of the community leading the Chinese living in Manila, but in 1603 the Spanish massacred approximately 20,000 Chinese living there and stole their property. li Dan lost all his property there and was compelled to have a hard time in a galley. Then li Dan settled in Japan when he ran away from the drudgery in 1607. li Dan became a head of Chinese quarter, Hirado and a prominent trader in 1613. In 1619, he became a leader of overseas Chinese in Japan in areas including Nagasaki. The central business for his success was bringing what was demanded to Japan from China such as silk and medicine ingredients. He needed a trade network for a monopoly of Chinese cargo and exclusive sales in Japanese markets. In addition, another Chinese traders had relations with Manila and Indonesia. li Dan proceeded to trade in Taiwan about 1614. Through cooperation with Yan Siqi(顔思齊) who was based in this place about 1621, he stably succeeded in trade. As active trade began with Taiwan and the Netherlands East India Company occupying Penghu, asking for free trade and plundered and set the coast in Fujian on fire, li Dan made VOC to withdraw from Penghu(澎湖) and go to Taiwan, and what they needed to be withdrawn. However, li Dan was compelled to return to Hirado without being cared for because of an illness and passed away in July, 1625. After his death, there were too many small and large groups of pirates on the coast until Zheng Zhilong(鄭芝龍) terminated the Liu Xiang(劉香)group in 1635, and the meeting and parting of pirates repeated. Thus, armed conflicts and competition on the coast after his death was more evidence that shows the status and charisma of li Dan as a sea trader. As European power appeared in East Asia in the 17th century, a different trade structure was needed. Under the trade prohibition policy, as the model of trade in part of the coastal area including Macao, Guǎngdong and Yuegang became completed, new trade practices were formed and settled. li Dan, who delivered tasks with respect to trade with the Ming Dynasty and secured trading space as a coordinator, would be a significant coordinate in examining the roles and future historical positions of sea traders.

초기 하곡학파의 하곡학적 사유

천병돈 ( Byungdon Chun ) 동양철학연구회 2016 동양철학연구 Vol.88 No.-

This study examined a early stage Hagok school`s Thought. The person who belongs to the early stage Hagok school Wongyo, Woram, Hangjae, Simyuk, Ijinbyeong, Yunsun, Yusuwon, Simdaeyun. In this paper, Hangjae, Wongyo, Woram hagokak of the discussion. Theory of mind: The mind what Hagok said is Nature(性) and Li(理). The mind what Hagok said is divided `nature of moral(性의 德)` and `nature of quality(性의 質)`. `nature of moral` is Moral Mind(도덕심). `nature of quality` is physical desire and greed. Hagok say Nature, Mind is Moral nature and sincere mind(實心). Hanjae saw the mind, the nature, too Li and Qi in the mix. This is Hagok`s theory of mind. Wongyo`s mind is Hagok`s sincere mind. So Wongyo thoroughly succeed Hagok`s sincere mind. Wongyo too insist `nature is Li`. But Wongyo insist nature will be evil. This is different from Hagok. For woram the source of `sincere mind` is the source of learning, and practice. So sincere mind must be seen as Li. It is almost no mention of nature. Theory of Li-Qi: Hagok`s Li is dynamic Li. Li and Qi relationship is `Li and Qi One source`. But `Li` was seen as essential than `Qi`. Hangjae denied `Li and Qi one things`. But That there is a close relationship in terms of `one things` thought. This is Hagok`s Li and Qi relationship. Hangjae says `Li` is similar to Hagok of `Li`. Wongyo is divided by `Li and Qi` and objected, divided by `movement and stillness`. This is succeeded Hagok`s theory of Li-Qi. The inverstgation of things and extension of Knowledge: Wang Yangming translate into `investigate(格)` the `straighten out (正)`, and translate into `things` the things in the mind`, translate into `knowledge` the good knowledge. The Hangjae investigate all `come` or `straighten out` doesn`t matter. Hangjae `know` the interpreted `good knowledge` or `knowledge` but all it doesn`t matter. and `the things out the mind` to the things. The hangjae of very vague in a `the inverstgation of things and extension of Knowledge` attitude. Wongyo discuss `gaining knowledge by the study of things` in a collection of works of the article doesn`t look.

한국 추석과 중국 중추절 풍속 비교 고찰

정연학(Jung Yon-hak) 고려사학회 2021 한국사학보 Vol.- No.84

중국 학자 가운데 자국 문화의 기원을 한국에서 시작되었고 주장하는 사례는 거의 전무하다. 그런데 일부 학자들은 중국 중추절의 기원을 신라 추석에서 기원하였다고 주장할 정도로, 한국 추석의 역사적 기록이 이른 시기에 나오며, 민속 문화의 조건에 부합할 수 있을 정도로 풍속이 다양하다. 여기에 한국의 추석이 현재까지도 그 전통이 유지된다는 측면에서 민속문화적 가치가 높다. 이 글은 한국 추석과 중국 중추절의 기원과 풍속의 비교연구를 목적으로 삼았으며, 이를 위해 문헌자료와 그간의 현지조사 자료를 근거로 작성하였다. 중국 중추절의 경우는 한족만을 대상으로 삼고, 중국 소수민족의 풍속은 배제하였다. 만약 그것을 포함시킨다면 논리 전개와 분석에 많은 어려움이 따를 수 있기 때문이다. 연구결과, 음력 8월 15일 한국 추석과 중국 중추절 풍속은 공통점, 차이점, 상호관련성을 모두 보이고 있다. 공통점은 보름달에 대한 의미 부여와 달구경과 음주가무, 가족모임, 근친, 달밤 놀이, 절기 음식 등을 즐겼다는 점이고, 차이점은 한국은 차례와 성묘를, 중국은 달 감상과 달 제사를 중시하였다는 점이다. 상호관련성과 관련해서는 명칭, 달 관련 신화와 전설 등을 들 수 있는데, 조선시대 문인들의 추석 詩에는 중국 당송 시의 영향을 받아 달과 관련된 신화, 인물, 전설 등을 소재로 다루었다. Among Chinese scholars, few claim the origin of their culture was derived from Korea. However, some scholars assert that the Chinese Mid-Autumn Festival originated from Silla"s Chuseok holiday. The historical records about Chuseok in Korea were found from an early period, and it has diverse customs enough to meet the conditions of folk culture. In addition, Korean Chuseok has a high cultural value in terms of keeping its tradition to the present day. This article is aimed to compare the origin and customs between Korea"s Chuseok and China"s Mid-Autumn Festival, and it was written based on the literature and field survey data. In the case of the Chinese Mid-Autumn Festival, only the Han people were targeted, and the customs of Chinese minorities were excluded. If they were included, it could lead to many difficulties in logical development and analysis. The study result shows similarities, differences, and interrelationships between the customs of Korea"s Chuseok and China"s Mid-Autumn Festival, which is the 15th day of the eighth month on the lunar calendar. The similarities are giving meanings to the full moon and enjoying the moon, drinking and dancing, family gatherings, visiting parents, playing games under the bright full moon, and having seasonal foods. The differences were that Koreans valued ancestral rites and visiting ancestral graves on Chuseok, while Chinese considered viewing the full moon and rites for the moon as important. In relation to the interrelationships, there are names, myths and legends related to the moon. On Chuseok, the literati of Joseon Dynasty wrote poems about myths, figures, and legends related to the moon, which were influenced by poems from Tang and Song Dynasty of China.

海澄에서 厦門으로 ― 16~17세기 복건 해외무역 창구의 변화 ―

蔡暻洙 ( Chae Kyung-soo ) 명청사학회 2022 명청사연구 Vol.- No.58

This paper traces the process of the conversion of overseas trade channels in the Fujian region from the end of the 16th century to the end of the 17th century, focusing on the political and economic background surrounding it. Haicheng(海澄) was the only official overseas trade port at the end of the Ming Dynasty. Xiamen(厦門) was also one of the four maritime ports established by the Qing Empire in implementing the open sea policy after conquering Taiwan. Related studies dealt with the two harbor cities with considerable weight as external channels for the two early modern empires, the Ming and the Qing. In most cases, however, each city was analyzed in its historical context as a separate issue. Most studies did not treat the two cities as a continuous relationship. The two harbor cities are geographically very close and capable of similar functions within the region. In short, they are replaceable to each other. In the early 17th century, Xiamen has taken the status of the main harbor of the region instead of Haicheng, but the explanation of the background dynamics is still insufficient. Anhai(安海) is less renowned than the before-mentioned two port cities. However, recent studies of the Zheng group revealed that the first leader, Zheng Zhi-long(鄭芝龍), operated an exclusive smuggling network centered on Anhai for decades since he surrendered to the Ming empire. As the Zheng group gained official power, Anhai took over the control of the trade network from Haicheng, the existing trade center, and functioned as a transitional center of the Fujian overseas trade network until the Zheng group moved to the new center, Xiamen. Therefore, to accurately understand the transition from Haicheng to Xiamen, it is necessary to understand the functions performed and the status enjoyed by Anhai. The change between the three port cities for 120 years can be said to be the product of conflict, compromise, and confrontation between continental and maritime forces over the unprecedented economic interest called ‘the expansion of global silver trade’. In simple terms, it was linked directly with the rise and fall of the Zheng group. The transition from Haicheng to Anhai occurred for the Zheng group was conceived in the aftermath of the confrontation between the Spain Empire and the VOC over East Asian seas to take over the trade network with China. The transition from Anhai to Xiamen occurred during the massive political event, called “the Ming-Qing transition.” The Xiamen trade system was built during the post-processing process after the Qing Empire eliminated the Zheng group of Taiwan.