순자의 인간본성론에 관한 소고

강지연(Kang , Ji-yeon) 대한철학회 2010 哲學硏究 Vol.115 No.-

맹자와 순자의 인간본성론, 윤리학적 관점은 과연 양 극단을 달리는 것인가. 일반적인 소견과는 달리 이 둘의 입장은 근본적으로는 크게 다르지 않다는 연구자들도 적지 않다. 그들이 공통점을 드러냄에도 불구하고 근본적 차이를 보이는 지점은 인간 활동의 동인을 들 수 밖에 없다. 이 동인에 대한 해석의 차이점을 밝히면서, 이에서 발전되는 순자의 자아수양론을 설명할 것이다. 이 때 필자의 설명방식은 서구 순자연구자들의 현대적 해석과, 심리학적 해석과 비교에 초점을 맞추어 하려고 한다. 순자에 의하면 인간은 자신의 욕구를 모두 발산하지 않고, 승인, 자기 검열, 통제를 통해 자신을 변화시켜야 한다. 왜냐하면 맹자가 생각한 것과 달리, 인간은 자신이 가장 “원하는 것”을 하는 것이 아니라 자기 자신이 “허가하는(可)” 것을 하는 존재이기 때문이라는 것이다. 순자의 인성론에서 욕망과 승인의 문제에 관한 논의는 현대 심리학의 논의와 연결될 수 있는 가능성이 엿보인다. 자신들의 행위를 승인하거나 승인하지 않을 수 있는 인간의 능력은 스스로 도덕적 수양을 가능하게 하는 조건이다. 승인을 또 다른 욕구체계로 보느냐, 환원불가능한 도덕적 속성으로 보느냐, 실천 이성적 개념으로 보느냐, 이런 현대적 해석의 차이가 존재함에도 불구하고, 욕구와 승인 체계의 관계에 대한 분석이 담긴 순자의 이론은 서구심리학에서 상대적으로 발전되지 못했던 도덕심리학적 해석을 촉구한다. Are Menzian and Xunzian theories of human nature, namely their respective ethical standpoints, at the opposite poles? Quite contrary to conventional wisdom amassed over the years on both philosophers, now some argue that both philosopher's positions do not substantially differ from each other. Notwithstanding the facade of commonalities between two perspectives, the point at which both positions reveal their fundamental differences centers around how to perceive the human agency. The author will attempt to illustrate the interpretative differences between both positions on human agency. In so doing, the author also will elaborate on Xunzian theory of cultivation. In expanding on Xunzi's theory of human cultivation, the author will build on contemporary interpretative works achieved by many contemporary scholars. The author finds that Xunzi, in his theory of human nature, emphasizes The process of self-cultivation should involve reforming oneself through confirmation, reflection, and self-control, not through satisfaction of one's desires. The rationale being that unlike what Mencius thinks, human beings are not the beings doing what they desire most but the beings doing what they approve of. Particularly, there seems some possibility that his theory of human nature may establish a connection with what has been discussed and analyzed in contemporary psychology in relation to human desire and confirmation. Each human being is endowed with a capability to confirm or not to confirm his own conduct and this very endowed capability is deemed the underlying condition for moral cultivation. Though there are some contemporary interpretative differences in construing Xunzi's confirmation as another system of desires, or unreducible moral attribute, or practical reasoning concept, Xunzi's theory that contains an analysis of the co-related relationship involving desire and confirmation propels us to embrace a moral-cum-psychological analysis that has not flourished in Western psychology.

예술적 실천으로서의 덕질 – 이희주 소설의 ‘쇼타 미학’과 창발적 서사 수행

권다영 한국여성문학학회 2026 여성문학연구 Vol.67 No.-

본고는 덕질이 수용 행위를 넘어 미학적 가치를 생산하는 예술적 실천이라 규정한다. 케이팝 아이돌 팬덤 내에서 개별 주체들이 미학적 적법성을 확보하기 위해 경합하는 과정은 창발적 서사 수행으로 재정의된다. 이 과정에서 팬들은 가학·피학적 정동과 오토코리스섹슈얼적 관음을 미학적 장치로 활용하며, 젠더 위계의 극단화에 기반한 독자적 규범을 구축한다. 이러한 내적 논리를 해명하기 위해 본고는 이희주의 소설을 분석 대상으로 삼아 징후적으로 독해한다. 팬덤을 미학 공동체로 재설정하는 문화 연구적 토대 위에서 서사 분석을 중심 방법론으로, 퀴어 이론 및 섹슈얼리티 담론을 보조적분석 도구로 병행하는 다학제적 접근을 취한다. 이를 통해 덕질이 미학적 주권을 둘러싼 창발적 서사 수행의 장임을 논증하며, 이희주 소설 주체들의 ‘쇼타 미학’ 이 나르시시즘적 자기 확증임을 밝힌다. This study defines deokjil (fandom practice) not as mere reception but as an artistic practice that actively produces aesthetic value. The process by which individual subjects within K-pop idol fandoms compete to secure aesthetic legitimacy is redefined as an emergent narrative performance through which Aesthetic Sovereignty is established. In this process, fans employ sadomasochistic affects and autochorissexual voyeurism as aesthetic devices, constructing an autonomous aesthetic norm grounded in the extremization of gender hierarchies. Taking Lee Hee-ju’s fiction as its primary object of analysis, this study provides a symptomatic reading of her work. Grounded in a cultural studies framework that reconceptualizes fandom as an aesthetic community, this study adopts a multidisciplinary approach centered on narrative analysis, supplemented by queer theory and sexuality discourse. Through this, it argues that deokjil constitutes a site of emergent narrative performance organized around the struggle for aesthetic sovereignty, and demonstrates that the ‘shota aesthetics’ enacted by the subjects of Lee Hee-ju’s fiction represents a narcissistic practice of Self-Authorization through which subjects retroactively confirm their own beauty.

청대 불교 세계의 여행

김성수(Kim Sung-Soo) 동양사학회 2009 東洋史學硏究 Vol.107 No.-

This article mainly discussed about the Journey among the patrons and lamas around the inner asian world during the Qing period. There were some patrons and lamas including several Mongolian Khans, Emperors of Qing, Manchu statesmen, Dalai Lama, Panchen Lama, Jebcundampa and so on, who had traveled around the inner asia controled in the buddhism world order. In that era, Tibetan buddhism had established a solid leadership in inner asia includes Mongols, Manchu, and Tibet. So these high positioning persons in the religious community and the politics made a network among them through journeys by themselves or by their messengers. From this network we can approach to the intellectual, political and economic activities and their connections among the temples, governments, and merchant guilds in this area. Under this circumstances politically important high-level talks ‘Qighulghan’ usually had been comprised of Manchu or Mongolian statesmen, and Tibetan or Mongolian lamas, so through their journeys we can understand some more details, procedures of several important conferences during the Qing period. Furthermore most of journeys among them were courtesy visits, and on the conferences or their visits the manners were so important each other because these expressed their positions in the buddhism world order. This article consists of four chapters; the first, “Heart and border in Inner Asian World during the Early Qing” describes high ranking lamas like Dalai lama behaved as a peace-maker or an effective negotiator in this area. Especially Smon lam chen mo, held in Lhasa every year, provided very important valuable meetings among patrons and lamas. The second, “Qing Emperor as a nomadic Khan and the Tibetan Buddhism” insist that the Qing Empire was the supreme ruler in inner asia controled in the buddhism world order. The third, “The meeting between the Fifth Dalai Lama and the Emperor Shun-zhi: Qing makes the network in the buddhism world” shows how Qing government put her first step in to the buddhism world network through the inviting the Fifth Dalai Lama. The last, “The Sixth Panchen Lama's visiting to Beijing and Cheng-de: The Emperor Qian-long steps on the center of inner asian buddhism world ” reveals that the system of Beijing-resident lama was a very effective strategy for the formation of pro-Qing opinions in inner asian buddhism world which had been the political background of the victory against the Mongols. At his 70th birthday, Qian-long invited the Sixth Panchen Lama to Beijing and Cheng-de, the monument of victory, and proclaimed his authority as an highest patron in inner asia, also as the hub of the buddhism world order.

고토바인(後德河院)과 제덕(帝德)-조큐의 난(承久の亂) 수용양상에 대한 고찰-

박은희 고려대학교 일본학연구센터 2008 일본연구 Vol.10 No.-

원ㆍ명ㆍ청 시대 首都 북경과 陪都의 변천

조영헌(Cho Young-hun) 역사학회 2011 역사학보 Vol.0 No.209

Although Beijing remained the primary capital throughout Late Imperial China, auxiliary capitals had shifted continuously from one dynasty to another. Shangdu in the Yuan, Nanjing in the Ming, and Chengde and Shengjing in the Qing each played the role of auxiliary capital for the respective dynasties. This fact brings up a number of questions regarding the relationship between primary and auxiliary capitals. First, what correlation did the location and role of the auxiliary capital have with the primary capital of Beijing? Second, did the change of ruling ethnicities and heads of state trigger changes in the administrative methods of both the primary and auxiliary capitals? Third, if so, what similarities and differences can we find between not only the northern clans and the Han Chinese but also between the Mongol and the Manchu in their respective methods of administration of the imperial capital? This paper seeks to synthesize the results of existing researches on the above points of interest and to firmly identify the changes in the primary capital of Beijing and the auxiliary capitals. There will be a general depiction of the interrelations between changes of auxiliary capitals and changes in the dominant ethnicity of each dynasty.

진용(眞容)의 유산(遺産): 청(淸) 건륭제(乾隆帝)의 오대산(五臺山) 옮기기

최선아 ( Sun Ah Choi ) 중국사학회 2015 중국사연구 Vol.94 No.-

This paper examines Emperor Qianlong (r. 1736-1796)’s reception of the Manjusri statue at Shuxiang si of Mount Wutai and his rationale behind the replication of it at Baoxiang si in Xiangshan (1761) and Shuxiang si in Chengde (1774). It begins by following questions: why did Qianlong commission a replication of Shuxiang si at Xiangshan in 1761 as a way of translating Mount Wutai? Why did he decide to replicate Mount Wutai again in spite of the presence of Baodi si which he commissioned ten years ago for the same purpose? Why did he newly focus on the Manjusri statue at Shuxiang si in around 1761, although he already knew about it? By answering these question, I first of all investigate the logic behind the transposition of the sacred place by Qianlong, based on J.Z. Smith’s theory on the metonymical and metaphorical projects. I argue that the two projects were employed by Qianlong in the most effective way, under the rubic of bu’er, or no difference. Second, I propose that the notion of zhenrong, or true image was significant in Qianlong’s re-appreciation of the Manjusri statue at Shuxiang si, which was regarded as the true image of the bodhisattva. By comparing his attitude toward the Luohan painting by Guanxiuone of the famous true images in Chinese tradition-with that toward the true image of bodhisattva Manjusri at Shuxiang si, I demonstrate that what Qianlong attempted was to shape himself as the one who could not only recognize and possess zhen, but also correct and reshape it. Finally, I highlight that the notion of zhen embedded in the Shuxiang si statue was essential in Qianlong’s scheme of visually revealing his identification as the bodhisattva Manjusri. By transgressing the conceptual boundaries between zhen and its representations, he effectively conflated replicas of the true image at Xiang shan and Chengde with himself.

1790년 열하(熱河) 사행(使行)의 이도정(二道井)~열하(熱河) 구간에 대한 인문지리학적 탐색

이승수 ( Seang Su Lee ) 한국고전문학회 2011 고전문학연구 Vol.40 No.-

Diplomatic Trip to Rehe(Chengde) in 1790 has the special meaning in the history of travel to Yanjing for 600 years. Several greatest literary men at that time joined the envoy and left multiple records in the special friendship between Joseon and Qing dynasty. It is special because the envoy followed the direct route to Re He after leaving Sindian. This paper examined the records between July 4 to 15, 1790 and tried to identify the anthropogeographical meaning of the section between Erdaojing and Chengde. First, the route was examined and literature was reviewed. The most sections in the route were reconfigured through two field visits and literature review. However, several sections couldn`t be reconfigured because of certain reasons. The data was rearranged on the basis of the spaces on the route. Two approaches above built the infrastructure to analyze diverse records related to geographical space. The data was also analyzed and the meaning of the route in terms of the history of literature was also briefly examined. Those who participated in the envoy didn`t hide differentiated pride and wonder in their first spatial experience. It means that enjoy was the exploration of literary space in a narrow sense and expansion of world view in a broad sense. The envoys faithfully recorded the results after identifying the customs and political profits and losses as one of official missions as the diplomatic delegates. Their records faithfully described geographical features, history and systems which they newly experienced and reported the political profits and losses by observing the customs. As observing the rich and peaceful life in a society in the northern frontier region, they didn`t hesitate to call the region as utopia. It was the absolutely positive expression on the political and social aspects of Qing dynasty. Furthermore, their emotion on route and some landscapes that they observed were examined. They had the literary meaning as well as history embracing such geographical space.

1780년 열하의 칠순 만수절과 건륭의 ‘제국’

구범진 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.40

This paper examines the historical context of the Qianlong emperor's seventy-sui birthday celebration in Chengde, 1780. To many scholars, this birthday celebration was historically significant mainly because of the Third Panchen Lama's presence there. While it is true that Qianlong gave special treatment to the Panchen Lama to showcase his role as the great protector of Tibetan Buddhism, this element of the event reveals at best one part of the whole and there is another important aspect that deserves our attention. This paper pays attention to Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday, which was unprecedented in Qing history, as a special moment to commemorate his military and political achievements as a Qing ruler, and argues that this birthday celebration was his way of commemorating his empire building in Central Eurasia in the presence of those very peoples who had newly submitted to him. Qianlong chose to celebrate his seventy-sui birthday in Chengde, not in Beijing where all the previous Qianlong's decennial birthdays had been celebrated until the sixty-sui birthday. By choosing Chengde over Beijing, Qianlong was able to bring together all the top leaders of the Dörböt Mongols as well as Uriyangkhais and the Torghut Mongols. Most of these peoples had no immunity toward smallpox and could not have come to Beijing. Qianlong knew very well that the Panchen Lama's presence would make them more willing to come to Chengde since they were followers of the Geluk sect of Tibetan Buddhism. In addition to these peoples, however, Qianlong also brought to Chengde the Muslim begs of East Turkistan and the Tibetan tusi chieftains of western Sichuan. Here it is important to note that it was under the rule of Qianlong that all the above peoples were newly incorporated into the Qing empire. In the 1750s Qianlong completed the conquest of the Zunghars, which brought the Dörböts and Uriyangkhais under his rule, and subjected the Uyghur Muslims. In 1771 the Torghuts returned to the pasture of their ancestors, who had migrated from Zungharia west to the Volga in the 1630s, and declared their allegiance to Qianlong. In addition, in the second Jinchuan campaign of 1771-76 he pacified the Tibetan people in western Sichuan. It is evident, then, that Qianlong's seventy-sui birthday celebration on the 13th day of the 8th lunar month in 1780 was designed not only to commemorate his ties with Tibetan Buddhism. Qianlong's intention was grander: he wanted to orchestrate a spectacular celebration of his lifetime achievements in Qing empire building in Central Eurasia.

1780년 연암 박지원의 熱河 행로

이승수,황인건,강동우,강소영 한국언어문화학회 2019 한국언어문화 Vol.0 No.68

What was the most special experience for Yeonam during the journey to Qing in 1780? Without a doubt, it was the journey to Rehe. Most of all, he used ‘Rehe’ in the titles in his writings. Of total 7 diaries written during the journey for 56 days, 3 diaries contained the experience and impression related to Rehe for 16 days. Another evidence was that he didn’t use the diary style in his writings after the journey to Rehe. This paper analyzed ‘Makbukhaengjeongnok’, the part 5 in Yeolha-ilgi which reorganized the route from Beijing to Rehe from Aug. 5 to 9, 1780. The diplomatic envoy of Yeonam left Beijing at around 10 o’clock in the morning on Aug. 5 and arrived at the accommodation in Rehe at around 10 o’clock in the morning on Aug. 9. It was about 240km from Beijing to Rehe at that time. It meant that the diplomatic envoy of Yeonam completed the route just in three days. He moved about 60km per day in average. The daily travelling distance for the diplomatic envoy was maximum 40km. Then, the diplomatic envoy of Yeonam moved 20km more than other envoys per day in average. Which route did Yeonam take to go to Rehe(Chengde-si, Hebei Sheng at present)? To which places at present did the names of places mentioned in the ‘Makbukhaengjeongnok’ correspond? In which places was Yeonam impressed and shocked most specifically? How were the sceneries which Yeonam saw changed? Is it possible for us to read the ‘Yeolha-ilgi’ and to experience his impression as following his route? The discussion comprises of the answers to those questions above. The route of Yeonam was roughly reconfigured and the important places were investigated. In the process of investigation, several errors found in the description in ‘Yeolha-ilgi’ were corrected. This paper was a part of investigation on the geographical space in the literature of Korea. The significance of this paper was to verify the possibility to embrace the old route from Beijing to Rehe and the areas along the route as the space of Korean literature. 1780년 청나라 여행에서, 연암에게 가장 특별한 체험은 무엇이었을까? 의심의여지없이 熱河를 다녀온 일이다. 무엇보다 제목에 ‘熱河’를 앞세웠고, 56일의 여행을 담은 7편의 일기 중 열하와 관련된 16일의 견문과 소회를 담은 것이 3편이나 된다. 열하 여행을 종점으로 일기체 기술을 포기하는 것도 하나의 증좌이다. 이 논문은 ≪열하일기≫의 <막북행정록>을 분석하여, 1780년 8월 5일과 9일 사이, 北京에서 熱河에 이르는 행로를 재구성한 것이다. 8월 5일 오전 10시경에 북경을 떠난 연암 일행은 9일 아침 10시 즈음에 열하 숙소에 도착한다. 당시 북경과열하 사이의 거리가 240km 정도 되었는데, 이를 나흘 만에 주파했으니 하루 평균60km 정도를 이동한 셈이다. 당시 사행의 하루 노정이 길어야 40km였으니, 그보다 하루 평균 20km를 더 이동했던 것이다. 연암은 과연 어떤 길을 통해 열하(지금의 河北省 承德市)에 갔을까? <막북행정록>에 나오는 여러 지명들은 지금의 어디에 해당하며, 연암이 특별히 충격 받고 감동했던 곳은 어느 지점인가? 연암이보았던 풍경들은 어떻게 달라져 있는가? 그 행로를 따라가며 ≪열하일기≫를 읽고, 그날의 감동을 추체험하는 것은 가능한가? 논의는 이러한 질문들에 대한 답변으로 이루어져 있다. 연암이 지났던 경로를 대략 재구성하였으며, 중요한 지점을비정하였다. 그 과정에서 ≪열하일기≫의 기술에 보이는 몇몇 오류를 바로잡았다. 이 논문은 한국문학의 지리공간에 대한 탐색의 일환으로 시도되었다. 북경에서 열하에 이르는 옛길 및 그 주변 지역을 한국문학의 공간으로 바라볼 수 있는 가능성을 확인한 것이 이 논문의 중요한 성과이다.