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식민의 기억과 역사학: 피에르 노라와 『위험한 기억들』
김용우 ( Yong Woo Kim ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.55
How to come to terms with the colonial past? How to integrate colonial memory into national history? By comparing the views of Pierre Nora and the authors of a book, Les memoires dangereuses, this review essay aims at exploring the way in which colonial memory can trigger reconfiguration of national history narrative. For Nora, recent French war of memory tends to politicize and instrumentalize historiography and endanger the French national identity. For Benjamin Stora and Alexis Jenni, the authors of Les memoires dangereuses, it can contribute to open new perspectives of national history, including the Mediterranean transnational history. For Stora and Jenni, national identity itself is a fiction, or if exists, it is in constant flux. (Korea National University of Education/kimywoo@knue.ac.kr)
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박상철 ( Sang Chul Park ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.55
During the First World War, the publication of Russian propaganda posters was significantly increased and its outstanding artists participated in its making. Russian War Posters can be divided two categories: Russian traditional Lubok-style posters and European-style posters. At early times of First World War, Lubok-style posters, with impressive images and a few sentences, delivered the news of Russian military victories to the Russian peoples, in particular, to peasants. By describing the German Emperor as a devil, emphasizing his ambitions of being a European Emperor, and/or accentuating the cruelty of the German army, they insisted the legitimacy of the `defense war` of Russia, while highlighting the bravery and combat capability of the Russian soldiers and expressing the expectation of easy victory. But since the war was prolonged and the Russian army experienced continuous military defeats, lubok-style posters were unable to present a logical or moral explanation and the way how to overcome the difficult situation. It just disappeared from the market. European-style poster is classified as `charity` posters and war-bonds posters. Charity posters, usually advertising a charity event to the wealthier, were published not by the Russian government but by various charities and social organizations. These posters largely appealed to the patriotism, civic duty, and humanitarian feelings of the wealthier and, taking into account their tastes, showed bright and optimistic mood. However, some charity posters which overly stressed the sufferings of war victims had possibilities of imparting anti-war messages. Warbonds posters which emerged from 1916 described the real situation of the front and more actively reflected the stance of the government. But the purpose of some war-bonds posters was vague and unarticulated as compared to the other belligerent posters. (Chonnam National University/sachpak@chonnam.ac.kr)
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새로운 기독교사 방법론들의 대두: ‘세계기독교사’를 중심으로
안교성 ( Kyo-seong Ahn ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2020 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.63
Over the last century and well into this new century, one continues to witness the revolutionary transformation in historiography, and Christianity is no exception. This article aims to clarify the characteristics and significance of the discourse of ‘World Christianity’, which recently emerged as the representative one among new historiographies in Christian history. With Andrew F. Walls being a mastermind, history in the ‘World Christianity’ perspective has grown as a confluence between diverse innovations in Christian historical studies: ecumenical history, world history of Christianity, polycentric history, and history of ‘World Christianity’ itself. These new ways of writing history were in general forged to reflect accurately a sea change in the worldwide churches: over the last century, the gravity of Christianity has moved to the Global South, which means that the Western church begins to be viewed as an indigenous church in the West, rather than the center of or the source of reference for the worldwide churches. The purposes of the history of ‘World Christianity’ are various: it seeks to address the lopsided history of the worldwide churches, which has been no more than a euro-centric history, with the history of the non-Western church being ignored or attached as a supplement; it triggers the interest of Western and non-Western scholars in the non-Western and worldwide history of Christianity; it boosters interdisciplinary works between Christian and secular historians; and it reinvigorates a number of Christian disciplines such as Christian history, missiology, evangelicalism, etc. Having grown mainly based on the Yale-Edinburgh Conference, a modest trans-Atlantic scholarly network among Christian historians and missiologists such as above-mentioned Andrew Walls, Lamin Sanneh, etc., the discourse of ‘World Christianity’ now begins to take root deeply as a widely recognized historiography in the worldwide churches. Its perspective fans out into the Western and non-Western churches, and appears to be gaining in popularity among scholars, although as a new discourse it leaves much to be desired. Non- Western scholars, however, gradually welcome the theory, thinking that they can have ownership in this study. (Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary/ kyosahn@hanmail.net)
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안교성 ( Kyo-seong Ahn ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.58
Is 68 Revolution (or May 1968 events in France) significant to the Korean society? To answer this question, this article aims to investigate the relationship between the 68 Revolution and the Korean society, centering on Korean Protestantism. In doing so, this study is to focus on three periods in which the Korean Protestant church shows interest in the historical movement in 1968: 1968, the year of the 68 Revolution; 1987, that of the June Democracy Movement (or June Struggle); and 2008, that of the Candle Revolution, and beyond. Although the 68 Revolution is one of the landmark events in world history, it cannot be said that it was properly appreciated or appropriated in the Korean society, particularly the Korean church, mainly due to different historical contexts. Furthermore, it turns out that this underestimated political upheaval has not been well studied in Korea. The 68 Revolution is a notoriously complicated phenomenon, which seems to defy explanation: it was both constructive and destructive; and it was the movement of counterculture and alternative culture. The Korean Protestant church came under the influence of the 68 Revolution, through the Uppsala General Assembly of the World Council of Churches held in 1968, and the renowned theologian, Jurgen Moltmann, a kind of guru of Korean political theologians, who selectively adopted the message of the 68 Revolution. In 1987, the prolongation of the authoritative government compelled the Koreans to continue to concentrate on political issues rather than cultural ones, and it was against this historical backdrop that emerged the Korean civic groups with the leaders most of whom outgrew their loyalty to Korean Protestantism. Nowadays, the Korean Protestant church faces almost the same questions as those which the ‘May 1968’ raised but not fully answered: civil rights movements, the voice of the under-represented, cultural strife, generation conflict, etc. Different from the European countries which have struggled with generational and ideological issues over the last several decades since the 68 Revolution, the Koreans including Korean Protestants are forced to sort out problems, social and religious, with limited time, for the retarded political change in Korea led to the lagging of cultural transformation. (Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary / ksa@puts. ac.kr)
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