
http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
韓國 新聞의 環境關聯 報道傾向에 關한 硏究 : 조선·동아·한겨레 신문을 중심으로
류춘록 東國大學校 言論情報大學院 1997 국내석사
본 연구는 환경문제가 국내적으로 수질오염, 대기오염, 쓰레기 배출, 해양오염, 토양오염 등에 있다면, 전 지구적으로는 오존층의 파괴, 해양오염, 산성비, 지구 온난화, 산림훼손 및 생물종 다양성 감소 등 어느 지역이나 국가의 문제로 한정된것이 아니라 인류의 생존을 위협하는 가장 큰 요소로 등장하게 되었다. 뿐만아니라 세계 경제의 불럭화현상, 국제 환경보존에 대한 관심의 증대에 따른 환경관련 무역규제 강화 등 세계기구 등에서도 이 문제에 대해 심도있는 논의를 가지게 되었다. 이와같은 상황에서 한국의 언론은 환경문제에 대하여 어떠한 인식을 가지고 있으며, 보도 태도는 어떠하였는가 하는 의문을 가지고 본 연구는 시작되었다. 따라서 본 연구는 환경감시자로써 언론이 환경문제를 어떻게 인식하고 있는가? 즉 한국 언론이 환경문제를 어떻게 보도하고 있으며, 거기서 나타난 환경문제가 국민들에게 올바르게 전달되는가? 라는 물음의 해답을 찾음으로써 과연 한국의 언론이 환경문제에 대해 올바른 정보전달자, 여론형성자, 정책과 제도의 개선에 매개체 역할을 수행하고 있는지에 대한 물음에 답할 수 있을 것이다. 본 연구는 이 문제에 대한 해답을 구하기 위하여 한국 언론의 환경관련기사의 내용분석을 통하여 언론의 올바른 보도태도에 대한 개선방안을 제시하는데 그 목적을 두고 있다. 그러므로 지금과 같이 환경문제가 사회적 이슈로서 급부상하고 있는 시점에서 언론의 역할이 더욱 더 중요하게 대두되고 있다. 이러한 시점에서 신문의 환경관련 보도가 어떻게 다루어 지고 있는지를 내용분석을 통하여 체계적으로 분석해 보았다. 본 연구자는 각 신문들의 환경관련보도에서 어떤 주제가 부각되고 있고, 어떤 문제가 부각되지 않는가를 내용분석을 통해 살펴보고, 언론의 기능인 환경감시 기능, 정책결정기능, 조직화 기능 중 주로 어떤 기능을 하는지 살펴보고자 한다. 따라서 본 연구의 연구문제를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 연구문제 1. 각 신문은 환경관련 보도에서 어떤 주제에 어느 정도의 관심을 가지고 있는가? 연구문제 2. 각 신문에 나타난 환경문제 보도에서 취재원, 기사유형은 어떠한가? 연구문제 3. 각 신문에 나타난 환경문제 보도경향에는 어떠한 차이가 있는가? 이상의 연구문제를 가지고 연구한 결과 한국 신문에 나타난 환경관련 보도에 있어서 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 첫 번째, 주제의 관심도에 있어서 각 신문간의 차이는 없었다. 두 번째, 각 신문간의 취재원의 이용도에 있어서도 하나 같이 정부 및 그 유관기관에 의존하는 것으로 드러났으며, 이에 따라 기사의 유형은 스트레이트 기사가 가장 많은 빈도를 보였다. 또 언론의 기능은 환경감시의 기능을 수행하고 있는 것으로 나타났으며, 이는 각 신문간에도 차이가 없는 것으로 드러났다. 그리고 환경문제에 대한 한국의 신문은 전반적으로 부정적인 태도를 보이고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 한국 신문은 환경문제를 보도함에 있어서 장기적인 보도의 계획을 수립하여 탐사보도, 사후보도 등에 치밀해야 할 것이며, 또한 취재원의 영역을 확대하여 한다고 본다. 또한 전문기자의 양성과 교육을 통하여 기자의 전문성을 높임으로해서 환경문제에 대한 정확한 인식과 기자의 윤리의식을 높이는 계기를 마련할 것이다. 그럴때만이 환경문제에 대한 공중의 여론이 올바르게 형성될 것이며, 정책결정자들의 정책결정에 올바른 합의형성을 가질 수 있을 것이다. 그리하여 사회 심리적 패닉현상이나 지역이기주의적인 악영향을 해소할 것으로 기대되어지며, 나아가 환경시대를 맞이하는 오늘날에 있어 한국 신문의 역할을 제대로 수행할 수 있을 것으로 기대되기 때문이다. The Korean environment suffers increasing stress; pollution, reckless deforestation and a decrease in species diversity, to name a few. The purpose of this study is to inquire into the perception that the Korean press has of the environment, and what source materials it uses. This study aims to resolve the question of how the Korean press perform its role as an information transmitter, public opinion molder, and policy and system improver. This study discusses the issues of how the press perceives environmental problems, reporting procedures and public broadcasting of the same. The principal objective of this study is to suggest improvements in the reporting accuracy of environment-related articles in the Korean press. The role of the press is especially significant at this point in time when problems of the environment are evolving into serious social issues. A systematic analysis was made of how environment-. related reports by the press have been treated. This study aims at inquiring into what subjects have been emphasized in environment-related reporting of newspapers, and what subjects have been underestimated. It also inquires into how the press performs: including environmental monitoring, policy making systematization, and so forth. The questions this study poses are summarized as follows: Question 1 : What Environment'-related subjects are individual newspapers interested in reporting, and to what extent? Question 2 : What sources do newspapers draw information from in environment-related reporting, and in what style of articles. Question 3 : What differences are shown between newspapers' environment-related reporting tendencies? After researching environment - related press reports in Korean newspapers, the following has been concluded : First, no significant difference of interest in the subject matters was represented among different newspapers. Second, the newspapers' rate of utilization of news gathering sources were found to depend largely upon government offices and their pertinent institutions. Straight-type reports showed the highest frequency among different types of reports. Journalism was revealed to perform a function as an environmental monitor. and no significant differences were found among the various newspapers. However. newspapers in Korea reflected a negative response in general on the matters of environment. Consequently, it is recommended that newspapers in Korea should pay careful attention to probed reports, ex post facto reports, and so forth by formulating a long -term reporting plan, particularly on environmental issues. Furthermore, newspapers should be required to seize opportunities to enhance journalists' consciousness of environmental ethics via training and educating specialist reporters. When these needs have been met, correct public opinion will be molded on environmental issues, and decisions will be more in concordance with international environmental standards. Also if the press is more accurate in their environment -related reporting; sociopsychological panic phenomena and localized egocentric infection will be relieved. Furthermore it can expected that in this environmentally conscious age, the newspaper industry will improve its role as an information gatherer and disseminator.
銀行의 情報시스템 監査制度 改善 方案에 관한 硏究 : J銀行 事例를 中心으로
김송주 東國大學校 言論情報大學院 1999 국내석사
Financial institutions, in Korea, are encouraged to have both internal and external audit of Information Systems(IS) activities for governance. However, Because the IS is improved and complicated more and more, IS Audit systems in Financial institutions, especially banks could pose significant risk. The purpose of this study is to enhance the efficiencies and effectiveness of IS management by audit activities. And First, We examine IS audit systems at present, and then compare and analyze those systems using by ISACA's COBIT and IT BSC model, and personnel privacy model. After all, We find the limitations of IS audit architecture. So, To solve the problems, This paper proposes that financial institutions introduce the external audit activities by expert, and disclose the audit reports for IS environment as investor and customer.
한국 언론인의 윤리의식과 개선방안에 관한 연구 : 신문윤리강령의 '품위' 조항을 중심으로
나종하 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2004 국내석사
Press reports and critique of social, economic and political events have deep impact on public opinion. In many cases they provide ground for deciding individual's course of action. Therefore ethical responsibility of mass media cannot be overstated. Very high level of dignity and ethical awareness is expected and required. But unfortunately it cannot be said that current media situation in Korea reflect such level of high ethical awareness. In a survey conducted in March of 2003, 60%of the journalists surveyed stated that they have either received some sort of favor (money, entertainment, junket and etc.) from people in relation with the story one's filing, including news sources. The first chapter of this thesis presents the purpose and method of the study. Chapter 2 deals with theoretical background and also reviews earlier studies. Chapter 3 offers methodology of statistical approach undertaken in this study. The fourth chapter applies this methodology and analyses the result of the survey. The fifth chapter presents conclusion and summary, a few points of the study to be taken up in the future. The results of the survey were as follows: 1. Majority of the journalists believes that their ethical consciousness has improved compared with three years ago. 2. But close to sixty percent of journalists surveyed still answered that they received some sort of favor people in relation to their stories. 3. Favor received range from free golf, junket to money. Golf more evident in the case of journalists with longer career. 4. But only 7.4% of surveyed stated these favors affected their reports or stories. 5. Only 32.8% of the surveyed said that they consider these favors bribes. 6. Majority of the surveyed also stated that reception of these favors will decrease in the future. 7. About 40% of the surveyed said that current press room system was one of the reason for media corruption. 8. Journalists surveyed were divided on whether the heteronomous reform was necessary. 33% were in favor and 31% opposed. By analyzing the above results, I reached the conclusion that following actions were necessary to improve the ethical awareness of the journalists: First, journalists need have firm recognition that receiving favors is same as receiving bribes. Second, media companies take steps to provide adequate fund for filing stories. Third journalists must be trained to apply the strict ethical standard. Fourth journalist should actively participate in 'press room' reform. Finally journalists need to take initiative in reforming the structural problems evident in Korean society. It is also necessary for the ownership and management of the media companies to recognize these problems and endeavor to improve the situation. Also vigilant media watch and voicing opinions by non-government organizations will help improve the situations.
전쟁시 언론의 오보방지를 위한 군 공보체계 수립에 대한 연구
박인옥 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2002 국내석사
The military and the press play an important role than any other bodies for guaranteeing the national security and the people's right to be informed. In war-time, the military receives intensive spot right from the press and the people, and the press is the first means for people to obtain information about war situation, meeting their right to be informed. In this paper, I suggested fundamental tasks for the army and the press to prevent incorrect report in war-time, through case studies on the cause of incorrect report and every kinds of war. Incorrect report happens due to the conflict between the military and the press such as the different thoughts on the range of military secrets which is a conflict factor between the two bodies, a different perception on the value of news, a difference in the acknowledgement on the things covered, an excessive prejudice of the press and the military to each other, a legal control to the access to the military information, and the likes. Other than these fundamental factors, the cause of incorrect report includes a negative outlook on the military, speculative articles resulted from the secretive methods of the military, reporter's shortage of knowledge on the military, practice of informing the news obtained outside the military without confirmation, and the complexity of confirming procedure for the covered information, etc. Behind this, there are intrinsic conflicts between the military and the press. Analyzing war cases, these conflicts are well expressed. In war-time, effective news control is a decisive factor to win the war, especially modern wars require overall security capacity to be exerted, so military power and the integration of people's will to perform the war are the key to the win the war. Examining the cases of people's will to carry out a war, we get lessens from the coverage of the press during the Gulf war and Vietnam war. These cases tell us that the press in wartime plays a bigger role than the army's strategy or advanced weapons, and that it should go with active cooperation with the press to win a war. Thus, the military should try to understand and keep a good relation with the press even in peace time, and construct a cooperating system in which the press can think good of the military. Basically, reporting attitude in wartime is a problem up to the military. The urgent tasks of the military include determination of basic contents to news blackout and the news control, establishment of news briefing guideline toward the press, and clarification of the concept of the public affairs which has been in the state of ambiguousness in peace and war-time. Present curriculum for the officers charged in public affairs in wartime should be corrected suitably to the concept of public affairs in war-time. In the present curriculum, the classes of public affairs in war-time is just 9%, and the classes of experiment and practice needed to perform effectively the tasks has been rarely adopted. The direction of public affairs in wartime should be established as well. Despite public affairs guideline is to be shared with other departments and the press, it has been limited to the military, which should be corrected. The release of the war situation to the press should be unified through a single channel, which is necessary to elevate the credibility of the coverage of war situation and to conform the outlooks. Lastly, the military should educate army-related reporters so that the reporters can recognize correctly the reality and the direction of the army, and the reporters are to be educated in detailed separate groups. The primary task of the press is to cultivate military-special reporters. Blanket re-education of the reporters could keep them from going with the specialization of the military. Reporters' lack of specialization could lead to incorrect report resulting from the wrong article on the military. In such cases, the credibility on the military and the assurance of people's right to be informed could be invaded obviously by just one reporter. Also, the press companies damaged from the Pool-System during the Gulf war need to set up a hierarchically independent system in which the companies consult with the military for the number of war-correspondents and the equipments according to the function of each company having its own war-correspondents, and to downsize the unnecessarily large press corps, and to resolve the problem of sharing the covered news. I concluded that, when the problems to be resolved between the military and the press is settled, news censorship and news control other than the coverage which could affect the operations security and negative public opinion become unnecessary as a result of the consultation between the military and the press. Also, conflicts between the two bodies and the incorrect report in wartime could also be prevented.
경찰언론 홍보의 발전적 방안 연구 : CRM과 개방체계론적 경찰이미지 분석 중심으로
김종민 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2002 국내석사
This study aims at improving the image of police which has been politically distorted and unduly recognized, although they have protected the people's lives and bodies as well as preserved the peace and order of public society, and at seeking a developmental program to strengthen the publicity activities of the police, especially at applying a corporate method to manage the customer relations(CRM), which was introduced by a general administrative machinery to the police. Above all, the role and duty of the police is clarified to explain the purpose of the publicity activities of the police in the introduction, while the CRM by the corporation and the general administrative machinery is studied to find a method and content of this study as follows; first, the target customer is selected to identify CRM of a corporation and the concept of customer in CRM by the general corporation; second, the customer is classified into bad customer, inside customer, 2nd customer, 3rd customer, and potential customer according to the value and needs of CRM; third, the CRM's function acting on each customer by means of correlation is defined; and fourth, its impact on custormization, and customs-made service is examined; and finally, in order to study a general administrative machinery's application of CRM, an introductive and applicative course of CRM concept and integration of communication are explained. In chapter 2, that is a theoretical investigation, the theory of publicity activities of the police is explained by a closed systematic approach which has been applied until now and an open systematic approach which will be applied hereafter, and based on this theroy, the difference of CRM between the police and the corporation along with the way to introduce CRM by the general administration and to apply the CRM by the police are explained. All of these efforts are intended to reform the image of the publicity activities of the police, which requires a practical effort, so an empirical questionnaire is conducted in order to know the practical task and to infer the theory and application of this study.
韓國言論政策의 構造的 分析 : 歷代 政府의 言論政策과 改革課題를 中心으로
이철흥 東國大學校 言論情報大學院 1999 국내석사
This study is to assess the Media Policy of past Korean Governments and the current Media Policy, and their Media Market structures. Through an empirical analysis, I would like to suggest Media policy measures and strategies which may push ahead Korean Government to meet 21st century challenges more efficiently. As is generally known, dictatorship of the former military government resulted in the adhesive Press-Political power collabolation and the concurrent development of monopoly capitalism had resulted in the symbiotic adhesion of the Capital-Press relation. Consequently, the Korea Press in general, have been suffered from all sorts of hardship, limping, and adversaries. That is to say, critical roles and guarding accountabilities of the Korean Press has been chronically weakened, the Press has attached great importance to private function as well as public function, and also has disregarded the human rights by intensifying politico-administrative power organizations. Virtually, the mechanism of public opinion have been thrown up and broken against media policy reforms. Also, the roles and functions of the Korean Press market which was reorganized and distorted by the compulsory press mergence under such dictatorial government still exist today. And the market disorder was inherited by the media policy of Kim-Young Sam administration, which mistook the democratic policy, mobilizing some special privileges and permission mechanism for the Press. Accordingly, these functional loss, perversion of the Press and the failure and disorder of the Press market must be reformed by a more democratic Media Policy of the 'government of the People'. But as already known, the Press Policy of the Kim Dae-Jung Administration have shown the character of both noninterference and positive intervention for order recovery of the press market. In another words, the Administration has adhered to a passive noninterference policy rather than transforming the press toward indirect inducement. Since the government has the responsibility about reforms of the distorted press market state for the Press Publicity, any media policy of democratic polities should reflect public opinion and demands. As mentioned above, the Korean Press in 1990s must solve the very complex problems experienced in the era of 1970s~1980s toward the new media vision. Toward a new vision and image of 21st century media policy, our press and media systems need to explore and should analyze the past experiences of last four decades, and must foresee the future phenomena more correctly. In this context, first, the Korean media policy must recover the critical responsibility. Second, the Korean Press must realize the public input and citizen governance. Third, it should realize the rationalization of its policy and management. Fourth, it must improve the professionalism and accountable capability. Accordingly, the Administration must recognize that the press should accomplish the social development roles and democratization. In conclusion, both the government and press must be reconstructed to avoid the adhesive Press-Political power collaboration again, setting an entirely new democratic media policy, honoring democratic values, especially freedom of opinion, information, and expression.
정부부처 인터넷 서비스와 국민의 알권리 신장의 상관관계 연구
강호천 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2002 국내석사
1. 서론 최근 우리 사회의 변화를 주도하고 있는 정보화사회의 진전은 점차 공공부문으로도 이어져 정부부처의 인터넷 서비스를 대폭 활성화하는 한편 전자정부의 출범까지 가능하게 함으로써 대부분의 정보와 민원을 온라인으로 소통하는 시대를 열었다. 정보화사회의 진전과 인터넷의 발달, 이와 관련한 국민의 알권리를 논의하게 될 이 논문의 연구문제는 다음과 같다. (1) 인터넷의 발전을 통해 정보공개 및 활용의 통로가 크게 넓어진 현실에서 국민들의 알권리 역시 그만큼의 내용을 확보하고 있는가? (2) 최근 들어 정부의 인터넷 활용이 전례 없이 활발하게 이루어지고 있는 현실에서 그것의 변화의 의미와 한계가 무엇인가? 2. 알권리와 행정부 인터넷사이트 추상적 권리로서의 알권리는 정보수령권과 정보수집권, 그리고 정보공개청구권으로 나눌 수 있다. 정보수령권과 정보수집권은 국민 입장에서 볼 때 정부의 정보공표에 의존하는 소극적 권리라면 정보공개권은 국민이 스스로 공개를 요구하고 정보를 획득할 수 있는 적극적 권리의 범주에 들 수 있다. 정보수령권과 정보수집권은 정부가 공표주체가 되는 '정보공표'에 의해, 정보공개청구권은 국민이 청구주체가 되는 '정보청구'에 의해 실현되는데 그 궁극적인 목적은 알권리와 정보민주주의의 실현이다. 정보공표는 정책홍보의 성격을 갖는다는 점에서 각 부처 인터넷사이트를 통해 이루어진다고 하면 정보공개의 경우 행정정보공개제도를 통해 이루어진다. 이 논문에서 실시한 사이버폴의 결과에 따르면 행정부 인터넷 서비스의 발전은 정보공표 측면에서 상당한 진전을 보였으나 알권리 충족을 위한 노력은 상대적으로 미흡한 것으로 평가되었다. 이 조사에서는 정부부처의 인터넷사이트 정보제공기능에 대한 평가에서는 유익하다는 의견이 83.6%에 이른 반면, 부처 사이트에서 보완되어야 할 기능으로는 쌍방향커뮤니케이션 기능 44.2%, 알권리를 위한 정보공개기능 31.1% 등으로 나타났다. 정부부처 인터넷 운영자들과 실시한 인터뷰에서 이들은 "인터넷 서비스가 정보공표에 한정되긴 하지만 알권리 충족에 많은 도움을 준 것"으로 평가하면서도 "청구공개에 해당하는 정보공개제도의 경우 인터넷이 청구의 방법으로 온라인 창구를 개설한 효과는 있지만 실제 인터넷서비스와 청구공개의 활성화는 상관이 없다"는 의견을 보였다. 3. 결론 알권리의 핵심 부분인 행정정보공개제도를 중심으로 확인한 정보유통에 있어서의 구조적인 한계는 정보공표와 마찬가지로 정부가 적극적인 정보공개의 의지를 가지고 있느냐 하는 것이다. 이것은 공무원과 국민들의 정보공개에 대한 인식차도 크게 작용을 하는 한편, 공직사회의 폐쇄성과 행정문화의 경직성이 기본적으로 작용하는 것으로 나타났다. 사이버폴 및 인터뷰 결과 정책 및 정부정보의 유통이라는 측면에서 정부인터넷의 발전은 아직 정보의 원활하고 이상적인 흐름으로 이어지지 못한 것으로 나타났다. 실제로 인터넷의 발전은 국민들의 알권리 충족, 그리고 정보민주주의의 진전이라는 질적인 진보로 연동하여 발전하는 것은 아니다. 이 논문에서 살펴본 바에 따르면 정부 인터넷 서비스의 빠른 발전이 정책홍보라는 구체적인 한계를 안고 진행되면서 정보공표 측면에서는 일정한 진전을 이룰 수 있지만, 수요자의 청구에 의해 이뤄지는 정보공개 측면에서는 뚜렷한 한계를 드러내고 있었음이 확인되었다. 정보공표의 방편으로 인터넷이라는 전자적 방법이 하나 늘어나 그 효율성은 크게 제고되었지만 그것은 더 이상의 의미 있는 진전을 이루지 못하고 있었다. 결론적으로 정부 인터넷 서비스가 정보공표와 함께 국민의 정보청구 창구로서의 역할을 제대로 수행함으로써 국민의 알권리 충족이라는 임무를 다하기 위하여 사이트 운영자들의 지적대로 우선 인터넷사이트 관리자들의 기본적인 인식의 변화와 함께 정부 전체의 정보공개에 대한 뚜렷한 정책적 일관성이 필요하다. 이와 함께 정보의 원활한 공개를 위한 행정 품질의 제고를 위한 노력이 전제되어야 한다는 것이다. 인터넷 서비스 시스템과 관련해서도 현재의 정보공표 위주의 사이트를 쌍방향 커뮤니케이션이 지속적으로 가능할 수 있도록, 그리고 사이트 곳곳에서 정보요청의 제도적 틀과는 별개로 정보요청이 가능하도록 하는 일상적인 정보서비스 시스템의 완비도 시급한 것으로 분석되었다. 정부부처의 정보화와 인터넷을 활용한 국민 알권리의 실현은 인터넷 서비스의 개시로 모두 이뤄진 것이 아니라 오히려 인터넷 이용이 극대화되고 있는 지금 오히려 새롭게 구조화되고 그 지향점과 방법 및 전략을 새롭게 재점검해야 하는 상황인 것이다. This study describes the public right of knowing anything under the influence of advanced information society and Internet The directions of this study can be outlined as follows: (1) Does the public right of knowing anything acquire corresponding contents along with more revealed information and its expanded application path than ever via Internet? (2) Recently, our government has been more actively using the Internet than ever. So which meaning and limitation does the trend have? According to the results of cyber poll as carried out in this study, it was found that the on-line service by Ministry of Government Affairs and Home Affairs via Internet was remarkably advanced in the level of informational announcement, but its efforts for meeting public's right of knowing anything were relatively insufficient. In a survey of this study, it was noted that 83.6% of total respondents answered 'useful' in the evaluation about the informational functions of websites of governmental departments, while the functions to complement on departmental websites included the function of two-way communication(44.2%) and the function of opening information for the right of knowing(31.1%). In an interview with system operators(sysops) of websites for governmental departments, it was found that the respondents considered 'their Internet services, even though limited to informational publication, very helpful to meet public's right of knowing'. And it was also found that they showed the following opinion: i.e. 'For the system of uncovering information corresponding to opening public claims, Internet has effects of opening on-line windows by means of claim, but there is not any correlation between actual Internet services and active publication of claims.' Similarly to the publication of governmental information, the structural limitation in the informational distribution as identified around the current system of uncovering administrative information, which may be a core one of public rights of knowing, refers to whether our government has a proactive will to uncover or publish its information. Here, it was shown that the difference in the publication of information between official and public had a significant effects on such structural limitation. However, the exclusiveness of public society and the rigidity of administrative culture in Korea had basically influences on such limitation. Summing up, as pointed out by the above website sysops, it is necessary that the system operators of governmental websites change their basic minds to more positive directions along with a formulated political consistency for opening information throughout governmental departments, so that governmental Internet services can play its roles well in publishing governmental information and in a public window for informational claims to meet public's right of knowing anything. Furthermore, it is also required that the efforts for enhancing the quality of administrative services should be made in advance so as to facilitate the publication of different governmental information. Meanwhile, as a result of analysis, it is critical that daily information service system should be fully implemented to enable governmental Internet service systems to carry on two-way communication on a consistent basis, so that everyone can always claim for governmental information, separately from the systematic frames of claims for information.
블로그 표현형식의 특징이 소비자의 태도변화와 구전의도에 미치는 영향
南惠景 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2007 국내석사
포털사이트나 검색 전문 사이트에서 몇 가지 정보를 검색해보면 상당히 많은 양의 블로그를 찾아볼 수 있다. 그만큼 블로그가 검색이 용이할 뿐 아니라 블로거들이 제공하는 콘텐츠의 양이 많고 종류 또한 다양하다는 뜻이다. 한국 블로그에서 익명 혹은 실명의 닉네임과 그 콘텐츠로 인기를 얻고 힘을 얻는 사람들은 대부분 초기 채택자(early adaptor)나 IT 관련 업계 종사자, 진보적인 사상가 그리고 신문, 잡지기자들이다. 그러나 이런 전문가들의 블로그 뿐 아니라 일반인들의 블로그들 또한 다양한 정보와 지식을 알려주어 인기를 끌고 인터넷 사용자들의 인정을 받는다. 자신의 특화된 관심과 능력으로 편의점 음식을 평하기도 하고 만화에 대한 해박한 지식으로 다양한 정보를 주기도 하며 추리소설만을 전문으로 다루기도 한다. 또한 요리에 관해 전문적으로 다루기도 한다. 이런 블로그들은 블로거 본인의 오프라인 상의 직업과 명성과는 상관없이 대규모 블로그로 성장해 많은 방문객들을 끌어들인다. 블로거 개인이 관심을 가지고 있는 각 분야에 대한 폭넓은 지식을 바탕으로 열정적으로 포스팅하는 글들은 모두 개성적이며 독자적인 인터넷 콘텐츠가 된다. 양질의 블로그들은 많은 구독자들을 가지고 있으며 그들이 제시하는 감상이나 뉴스는 다른 이들이 덧글과 트랙백으로 감상과 의견을 덧붙이게 되어 해당 콘텐츠는 단순한 개인의 의견 이상의 무게를 띄게 된다. 하지만 지금까지 블로그에 대한 접근은 대체로 블로그 디자인이나 인터페이스에 대한 기술적인 관점으로 논의가 주로 이루어져 왔고 블로그를 이용하는 개인적 차원의 연구는 상대적으로 부족했다. 따라서 본 연구는 블로그의 표현형식 즉, 신뢰성, 매력성 및 Visual 제시유무를 바탕으로 블로그 태도, 상표속성신념, 상표태도, 구매의도, 구전의도에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지를 알아보고자 한다. 또한 블로그를 이용하는 이용자들의 인구통계학적 측면과 블로그 특성과 제품 특성과의 상관관계도 함께 알아보고자 한다. 이를 위해 먼저 블로그 이용자의 블로그 이용행태를 분석하였으며, 가설 검증을 위해 블로그 정보원천의 신뢰성, 매력성, Visual 제시유무로 조작된 8가지 유형을 바탕으로 블로그 태도, 상표속성신념, 상표태도, 구매의도, 구전의도를 분석하였다. 본 실험은 동국대학교 광고홍보학과에 재학중인 대학생을 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하였고, 총 유효응답자는 184명이었다. 이러한 절차를 거친 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 블로그 신뢰성에 따른 블로그 특성의 블로그 신뢰성, 블로그 매력성, 블로그 태도와 상표특성의 상표속성신념, 상표태도, 구매의도, 구전의도는 유의미한 것으로 보였다. 둘째, 블로그 매력성에 따른 블로그 특성의 블로그 신뢰성, 블로그 매력성, 블로그 태도와 상표특성의 상표속성신념, 상표태도, 구매의도, 구전의도는 유의미한 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, Visual 제시유무에 따른 블로그 특성의 블로그 신뢰성, 블로그 태도와 상표특성의 상표속성신념, 상표태도, 구매의도, 구전의도는 유의미한 차이가 없는 것으로 나타났다. 그러나 블로그 특성의 블로그 매력성에서만은 유의미한 것으로 조사되었다. 넷째, 인구통계적 특성에 따른 블로그 특성의 블로그 신뢰성, 블로그 매력성, 블로그 태도와 상표 특성의 상표속성신념, 상표태도, 구매의도, 구전의도에서는 성별과 연령에서는 유의미한 차이가 없는 것으로 나타났으나, 부분적으로 저 연령층에서는 유의미한 것으로 나타났다. 마지막으로, 블로그 특성과 상표 특성의 상관관계 분석에서 신뢰성 차원은 직접적으로 그리고 블로그 태도를 경유하여 간접적으로 상표반응에 영향을 미친다. 그러나 매력성 차원은 블로그 태도를 경유하여 간접적인 상표반응에 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. 이상의 연구결과를 종합하면, 블로그의 블로거와 블로그 레이아웃은 정보를 탐색하고자 할때, 중요한 요건으로 작용한다. 블로거의 신뢰성이 높을수록 그리고 블로그 레이아웃의 매력성이 높을수록 블로그의 태도와 블로그에서 소개된 상표의 속성신념, 태도 그리고 구매의도와 구전의도에 긍정적 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 이제는 기업에서 제공하던 정보를 수동적으로 받기만 하던 시대는 지났다. 소비자 스스로가 개인 미디어인 블로그를 통해 기업보다 더 나은 정보를 제공하는 시대가 도래한 것이다. The Purpose of this study is to research which factors have influence on the consumers when they accept the information of products and build up their attitude and the intention of w-o-m through connection of a blog. The result is that source credibility and attractiveness of a blog, existence and nonexistence of visual aid have influence on the attitude of a blog, the brand belief, the attitude of brand, the intention of purchasing, and the intensive of w-o-m Firstly, In case of the blog which has more source credibility, the study found out that it significantly has influence on the attitude of a blog, the brand belief, the attitude of brand, the intention of purchasing, and the intensive of w-o-m compare to the blog which has less source credibility. Secondly, In case of the blog which has more attractiveness, the study found out that it significantly has influence on the attitude of a blog, the brand belief, the attitude of brand, the intention of purchasing, and the intensive of w-o-m compare to the blog which has less attractiveness. Thirdly, In case of the blog which contains more visual factors as well as text factors, The study found out that it does not significantly have influence on the attitude of blog, the brand belief, the attitude of brand, the intention of purchasing, and the intensive of w-o-m compare to the blog which has just text factors. But as a result of statistical analysis, it is found that it significantly has influence on the attractiveness of a blog A blog is now beyond simple personnel community, it is paid attention to people by an appliance of IT service. The consumers are not purchasing a product just by watching an advertisement any more. A blog has more influence on the consumers than an advertisement is the main contribution of this study. In the future, the marketers cope of the company should regard a blog as new means of public relations.
한국 정치변동과 정부-언론관계의 변화 : 이승만 정부에서부터 김영삼 정부까지
박성준 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2000 국내석사
This thesis reviews the historical change of relationship between the government and the press that was influenced by the political fluctuations of Korea. That is to say, the purpose of this thesis is to examine the dynamic change of the relationship between the government and the press that was influenced by the political fluctuations of Korea and to formulate a theoretical framework that properly explains that change. The press maintains the relationship of tension and conflict with the government playing the role of medium between the citizens and the government. But sometimes the press and the government keep a delicate relationship of symbiosis and cooperation. However, there is criticism in Korea that the press didn't play the role of representation of public opinion but it served for the vested interest. It means that the press was reluctant to fulfill the right of knowledge of the citizens and was willing to protect and publish the opinions of vested interest in the name of public opinion. There is a limitation of the past studies to explaining this relationship and to considering the change of the relationship between the government and the press influenced by the political fluctuations. The normative and functional approaches to the government-press relationship have a limitation to expounding the dynamics of the relationship. Considering the political change that equals to the change of the government, political leaders and regime itself, respective theories can explain the government-press relationship of individual regime from Seung Man Lee to Young Sam Kim. But they are not appropriate in explaining the entire government-press relationship of from Seung Man Lee to Young Sam Kim. Therefore, this thesis applies the corporatism suitable for dynamic relationship to the Korean government-press relationship influenced by the political change. The government-press relationship can be explained by dividing the whole period of relationship by the 6.29 Declaration in 1987. First of all, Jung Hee Park regime and Doo Hwan Cheon regime attempted to restrict and control the press in many measures for the purpose of modernization, political stability and national security. Especially, Jung Hee Park regime recognized that the economic achievement directly relates to their validity or legitimacy, and established the system of mobilization for the efficient execution of economic blueprint. Herewith, the press in Korea gets involved in the system of mobilization. The government needed the press to penetrate the Korean public with a view to explaining the mobilization of the Korean public for the economic achievement and to avoiding the serious risk of legitimacy. And under this system of mobilization, the government guaranteed the special favor to the press that sponsored directly and indirectly and provided the press with the foundation of growth as the monopolistic capital. As expounded here, the government-press relationship before 6.29 Declaration can be explained by state corporatism. On the other hand, the Korean press grew to be one of the social powers through the continuous accumulation of capital and increased freedom of the press after 6.29 Declaration. This occurred when the fissure in political power system took place and the press filled up the room created by the fissure. In addition to that, the Tae Woo Roh and Young Sam Kim regimes used an indirect and conciliatory method of control avoiding the direct and compulsory method, which provided the press with the foundation of growth as an institution of social power. The government can no longer forcibly mobilize the press to realize a specific interest and a goal of policy. And the press that became subordinate to the principles of the free market economy and operation of private businesses grew to be the strongest power of the civil society from the position of the lower grade partner to the government and acquired the great power and autonomy of representing the special interest of the large-scale corporations and the highest class of the society. In, this new environment, the press made a friendly relationship and an alliance with the elite of the nation. This is one of the type of corporatism and can be called as 'Liberal Corporatism' using the terminology of Jang Jip Choi.
한국언론중재제도의 개선방안에 관한 연구 : 한국언론중재위원회를 중심으로
정동우 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2001 국내석사
This Study is mainly focused on the ways to improve the system of relief in cases of press infrigement, with a special emphasis on the Korean Press Arbitration Commission. Cardinal analysis was made as below in this study. 1. the legal basis and characteristics of Press Arbitration Commission(PAC). 2. Haw PAC is accepted to journalists and the general public. 3. what relationship with PAC and press ethic commission(PEC), the press self control system. 4. whether there are some discord with constitution in PAC or not. 5. what kind of affection PAC occur to actual activity of journalists. 6. the rational ways to improve the press arbitration system. The PAC is very unique because that is a compulsory system backed up by law of periodicals. the similar system couldn't seen in other country. the PAC was started in 1981 base on basic law of the press. As well known, the law was made to control the press by the couped military government. Despite this vulnerable point in born, the PAC has been faithfully fulfilling its duty for the last 20 years. Now the commission is being recognized for its nessecity by the public and is doing it's mission in cases of press infrigement. But doing the mission by the government office, not by the court is still vulnerable point and basic problem of this system, the mission is checking the details of press reporting and making judgements in cases of press infrigement. There are no democratic countries that have this kind of system. We can see the similar systems in socialism countries or military rolling countries. In this study, we have known the PAC is blamed as unconstitutional in such points as consideration and authoritative arbitration function. and the faction of PAC is overlapping with the press ethic commission(PEC), the press self control system. there is another blame of the government system make the self control system powerless. So the only way the PAC has strong power maintaining the structure and system is by changing the character of the commission from compulsive system to self control system.