아레오파고스 의회의 구성

崔滋英(Che, Ja-young) 韓國西洋古典學會 1992 西洋古典學硏究 Vol.6 No.-

15세기 발칸 지역 대(對) 무슬림 항쟁의 정치사회적 의미 -알바니아의 카스트리오티-스칸데르베이의 영웅담을 중심으로-

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 호남사학회 2016 역사학연구 Vol.62 No.-

Georgi Kastrioti-Skanderbey (1405-1468) is known as an Albanian hero. He led the resistance against the Ottomans during the period 1443-1468, and became a paragon of wonder among the western Christians. Skanderbey has been defined as a hero who resisted the Ottoman``s attack not only for Albania but for all the European Christian world, a symbol of the Albanian populace, the last fighter for Albanian independence, a protector of European culture, a warrior of the Renaissance, and a protector of freedom against the Muslims. Furthermore, his resistance has been compared even with the Greek partisans (klephtoi) who, gathered in the Mountain area, fought the Turks later under the Ottoman Sultan``s domination. According to another view, however, his resistance was regarded as standing for the interests of Albanian feudal lords. In my opinion, however, Skanderbey could not be identified identified sumply as a protector of Albanian nationalism, a warrior of Christendom, or a representative of the feudal lords. It is chronogically preposterous to apply the concept of modern nationalism to the 15th century, the age of Skanderbey. And Christendom as well as the feudal lords were never a unified entity, but were divided into several sects according to their own interests. Actually, it should be emphasized that in aiming for his own freedom against the yoke of the Sultan, Skanderbey rose upon the militarism of the Western crusades which, not all, but a part of the western feudal lords as well as the Roman Popes sought after. Skanderbey``s military power was based on western feudalism which exploited the subordinate social class of populace-famers. Skanderbey``s resistance in pursuit of freedom did not promote but reduce the people``s freedom. Skanderbey represented a cross section of society: He was one of those raised as a Janissary, then adapted to join the warlike feudal crusaders in order to enjoy freedom from the Sultan``s yoke. The Janissaries and the crusaders were composed on different social base from each other, the latter being still more militarily jingoistic. In the last years of the Middle Ages, instead of racial or regional interests which did not yet play a great role in those days, the conflicts of interest among the feudal lords, hierachic priests and the community of merchants secured the main current of history. The common factor of these three kinds of social groups was that they all pursued militarism more or less. This phenomenon could be compared with the situation of the Latin Empire (1204-1261) after the fall of Constantinople.

『히포크라테스』와 동방의 전통 의학철학 비교 -히포크라테스의 「인간의 본질」 및 「인체의 부분」과 『황제내경, 소문(黃帝內經, 素問)』의 「오상정대론(五常政大論)」을 중심으로-

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 대구사학회 2005 대구사학 Vol.81 No.-

동,서양 접촉 이후의 근대 약초학에 보이는 실용성 -근대 서방과 우리나라 『동의보감』의 약효에 대한 이해의 비교를 중심으로-

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 대구사학회 2007 대구사학 Vol.89 No.-

The hippocratic medicine which has influenced the western world has common elements with the Eastern medicinal tradition in the points of natural therapy and of the body in totality and fludity. The alleged difference of the two medicinal traditions refers to just a one-sided view. In fact, various trends coexist in each of them. For example, in the East, there are various and discursive knowledges of empirical clinics related to medical botany on the one hand, and the abstract philosophic theory of Dark-Brightness and Five elements on the other hand. Then, in the West there are various empirical knowledges of medical botany, too, and they coexist with extremely analytical, experimental medicine such as macro-anatomy and micro anatomy(cellular pathology). A great gap could be found between the extremely analytical, experimental medicine of the West and the philosophic theory of Dark-Brightness and Five elements of the East. The two worlds, however, have common elements, too, having diverse empirical knowledges of botanical therapy. The West and the East show common understanding in the detailed empirical effects of some medical botany. At the same time, however, there are some distinctions, too. For example, in the West, as the diet has been consisted much more of meat than in the East, the botanical therapy often refers to facilitating intestinal functions and blood circulations. In the East, however, the traditional diet comes in the most part from vegetables and the therapy is often concerned with complementing energy[or spirit](氣), or modulating uneven energy. In the contemporary world, the body of physiology and the social environment have gradually been changed owing to the increasement of world commerce as well as industrialization. The westernized diet and the increasement of adult diseases in the Eastern countries force the traditional eastern medicine to approach to the Western knowledge of medical botany. The change of viewpoints in the traditional Eastern medical botany assumes practical utilities, as it is not simply a result of the introduction of Western knowledge, but goes with the transition of life environment itself.

전쟁의 원인과 국제관계에 대한 투키디데스의 분석 -긍정적 인간성과 평화의 지향에서 보이는 현대적 의미-

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 대구사학회 2010 대구사학 Vol.101 No.-

Thucydides, a historian of the Ancient Greece, considered the real cause of the Peloponnesian War, which was formally kept out of sight, to be the growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which the Lacedaemonians felt against Athens. In the same context, the realism of power domination is described, as it is well known, in the Athenian debates against the revolting Mytilenians and in the argument of the Athenian ambassador in Melos. Some scholars supposed that Thucydides supported the concept of power domination, but others denied this kind of simplification and tried to find various concepts in Thucydides, for example, morality, humanity, and the influence of chance (tyche) which could not be calculated in advance. This essay is to suggest that the purpose of Thucydides in writing history was not only defined to describe human natures, but could be extended to find a method to solve the troubles of war and power domination. In the beginning of his History, he wrote that he came to write the Peloponnesian War, as it lasted longer than any other previous one, and its scale of preparation was the largest among them. Then, the human nature could never be erased, but, it seems to me, Thucydides tried to give a lesson that in the state of peace the negative human nature based on violence got reduced and the positive one of moral humanity promoted. The war which used to break out upon excessive human desire for power, however, makes the negative human nature enhanced. It could be said that the lesson Thucydides tried to give a message helps to overcome the realism of power and imperialistic aggression. It is a warning, in my opinion, against pursuing excessive human desire, undue concentration of power and long lasting war. The war could be tolerated in case of inevitable defence against attack, but it should not be extended to the rule of power looking after excessive human desire and private profit. It is not easy, however, to define actually the boundary between the defensive and offensive war, and it needs really a wise, moderate discretion. One criterion for a wise judgment might be whether whoever inside as well as out of a country enjoys freedom and equality, not being repressed by the violence of power. The actual democracy does not just refer to the formal rights of voting, but to a really free state of any kind of violence. Internal governing system has directly something to do with international relations as well. Thucydides` warning against the deployment of negative human nature on the war of great scale or the violence of power may be also applied to today`s assignment for the decentralization of power against central authority, as well as disarmament. In relation to this, we had better refer to the suggestion of Platon, who warned against a large scale of community, that a desirable state be consisted of 5040 citizen members. And in the first half or the 20th century, J.A. 1-lobson brought forward a thesis that the democratic government goes for international harmony, and the dictatorship for international agony.

아이스킬로스의 「 에우메니데스 」 속에 보이는 아레오파고스

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 한국서양사학회 1993 서양사론 Vol.41 No.1

허승일 , 『 스파르타 교육과 시민생활 』 ( 삼영사 , 1998 ) , 240 pp.

최자영 (Ja Young Che) 한국서양사학회 1999 서양사론 Vol.60 No.1

N/A

고르틴 법을 통해 본 고대 그리스 여성의 재산권 -크레타 섬과 그리스 본토의 사회체제 비교에 관한 일고-

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 한국서양사학회 2010 서양사론 Vol.0 No.107

According to the Law of Gortyn (VIII 21ff.), the `daughter-heiress in the state of no son heir (patroiokos=epikleros)` has the right of inheritance but is to marry the privileged in-law of the same tribe. This essay discusses the woman who gets to the status of `daughter-heiress` after her father or brother has already made her marry someone. It is said in the Law of Gortyn that, even if her husband would like to maintain the marriage against her wishes, despite having offspring from their marriage, she can take her share according to provisions and marry someone from her tribe (pyla=phyle). But if there is no offspring, she is to take all things and marry `the privileged in-law (epiballontes).` Zietelmann suggested that, when `daughter-heiress` in the state of no son heir wants to maintain the existing marriage, the right of succession of the privileged in-law is to be revoked. And Willets insisted that, in case she leaves the husband but there is her offspring begotten from him, the person with whom the `daughter-heiress` should `share according to provisions` could not be the former or new husband, but her offspring from him. That is, according to Willets, she should divide the property of her native family with her children begotten from her former husband. In Gortyn or anywhere else in Greece, however, there were no laws which proved that the children had some preferential right of succession for the property of their mother`s family, with the exception of their mother`s dowry. On the contrary, the succession right of the privileged in-law of her native tribe was too absolute to be revoked in any case. Even when the daughter-heiress or her husband who has become adopted son succeeds property, and it is never transferred to her husband`s other family. It should be noted here, in my opinion, that in case the daughter-heiress leaves her existing husband, to marry the privileged in-law or someone else from her native tribe, no matter if her former husband is alive or dead, and if there are children from him or not, she has the right to take her dowry as well as a portion of her work such as woven clothes via her own labor from her former husband`s. In Gortyn as well as in the general Greek world such as Athens and Sparta, the common property of family and the private ownership of women seem to exist respectively as an independent category. For example, the dowry the woman brought to the husband was excluded from the common ownership of her native family as well as that of the husband. Furthermore, in Gortyn, the woman`s ownership of property was independent not only from that of her husband, but also that of her children. In Sparta, the situation was the same. Anyway, however, no matter who had the ownership of property, the community of a family could enjoy the products from every kind of estate including the woman`s dowry. On the other hand, in Athens, even if the father who had no son to inherit could bequeath at liberal will, property ownership still remained in his family. In the case of an adopted son, he did not have the right of bequeathing at will. Especially, in order to understand properly the succession laws of the ancient Greece, it should be noted that private ownership used to exist in the undivided state where numerous members were concerned, and that it could revert again back to the wider category of familial community. In the preference of order or the quantity of inheritance, the male is preferred to female, but neither of both gender, it seems, has the preference over the common ownership of a family or tribe. In Athens the man who marries `daughter-heiress` does not necessarily have to be one of the same tribes, and in Sparta, too, one could bequeath to whomever he wants. In Gortyn, however, the privileged in-law of the same tribe has the preference of marriage with the `daughter-heiress,` and just when none from the same tribe wants to marry her, the `daughter-heiress`, having all the right of ownership, is permitted to marry one out of the tribe. This difference concerning daughter-heiress between Athens and Sparta on the one hand, and Gortyn on the other, proves that Athens and Sparta were of a more open and active society than Gortyn in the 5th C. B.C. when the laws of Gortyn were applicable. It seems, however, that even in the ancient Athens, the common ownership of family still steadfastly was maintained.

베네치아 지배 하 강제 징병에 항거한 자킨토스섬 민중-시민의 봉기(1628) -에프타니사(7개 섬)와 로마, 콘스탄티노플 등 주변 세력들과의 관계를 중심으로-

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 한국서양사학회 2013 서양사론 Vol.0 No.119

At the beginning of the 17th Century when the Venetian maritime empire was more or less suffering, as trade shifted from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, a people`s rebellion broke out in Zakynthos (August 17, 1628). Venice`s economic decline led to a weakness of military power, and in Zakynthos the conscription of citizens was forced by Venetian officials on the spot, to spare the cost of mercenary soldiers. The people`s rebellion in Zakynthos lasted just one day. This type of rebellion had not been seen before nor would it be seen again. It could be defined as a resistance not so much against the colonial domination of Venetia itself, as against the abuse of authority committed by Venetian resident officials in Zakynthos. These officials coerced people to be taken into the military against normal conventions. There were different positions held by the two differing authorities, Venetia itself and its officials in the colony. Venetian resident officials in Zakynthos inflicted punishment on the agitators of the people`s rebellion, but the Metropolis discharged them in 1637 by the decision of the court. Venetian domination was not autocratic but made a compromise with the aboriginal conventions so as not to disturb the status quo. The aboriginal self-government was embodied in the religious hierarchy of priests. The resistance of aborigines against the infringement of conventional autonomy did not invariably refer to the Venetian domination or the autocracy of its officials in the colony. There were also conflicts among regions: those occurring between Zakynthos and Kephalonia, as well as those between different social classes. In the people`s rebellion of 1628 some of the upper class citizens (polites) collaborated more or less with the lower class people, but the former were in discord with the latter who supported Nikodimos II Metaxas, the bishop (episcopos) of Kephalonia and Zakynthos. Moreover, Ephtanisa (seven islands) including Zakynthos was in contact with and influenced by not only Venetia, but also Rome, Korinth and Constantinople. For example, in Zakynthos and Kephalonia, there coexisted bishops who were appointed by the Pope of the Roman Catholic Church, bishops (episcopos, metropolites) appointed by the patriarchs of Constantinople, and bishops or priests appointed by the aborigines. As there were multi-dimensional relationships, the independence from or resistance against Venetia did not have absolute meaning. In these circumstances, Venetian authority made efforts to settle the discord among regions, or different social classes in a community, without rapid alteration of existing conventions as much as possible.

고전기 아테네 여성(Athenaia)의 시민권과 사회적 지위 - 남성,여성간 대립 개념의 궁극적 극복에 대한 전망 -

최자영 ( Ja Young Che ) 한국서양사학회 2006 서양사론 Vol.0 No.90