《海都太子令旨碑》를 통해 본 청년기 카이도의 상황

류병재 한국몽골학회 2020 몽골학 Vol.0 No.62

Tai-qing-gong, Luyi County, Henan Province in China is well known as the birthplace of Laozi, the founder of Taoism. In Tai-qing-gong, there is an inscription called 《Qaidu Taizi Lingzhibei(海都太子令旨碑)》, in which the name of Qaidu is recorded. The purpose of this study is to translate and annotate Qaidu’s orders in 《Qaidu Taizi Lingzhibei》 issued by him in 1257 and to examine not only Qaidu’s situation in his youth, but also relationship between Qayaligh, Qaidu’s major base in the Central Asian region, and the interior of China. This study tries to understand the situation of Qaidu by comapring the contents of 《Qaidu Taizi Lingzhibei》 with Chineses historical sources such as 《Yuan-shi》 and Persian historical sources such as 《Jami' at-tavārīkh》. With the analysis of the contents in the insciption, I would like to argue that Qaidu was not a spokeman for “Altan uru”, the authorized nomadic tribe, showing hostility toward Möngke and Kubilai in Tului family, simply because Qaudu was given title of “Taizi”. In Qaidu’s youth, he recognized the authority of Qa’an and controlled Henan Porovince assigned by Qa’an. He was a member of “Altan uru” of Ganghis Khan, which received the bestowment from Qa’an. 현재 중국 하남성(河南省) 녹읍현(鹿邑縣) 태청궁(太淸宮)은 도가(道家)의 창시자인 노자(老子)의 탄생지로 잘 알려져 있다. 이 태청궁 경내에는 ‘카이도(Qaidu, 海都)’라는 인명(人名)이 기록된 《海都太子令旨碑》라는 비문이 있다. 본 연구의 목적은 1257년 카이도가 발령한 《海都太子令旨碑》에 기록된 영지(令旨) 대한 역주작업을 진행하고, 그 내용의 분석을 통해 청년기 카이도의 상황과 당시 그의 주요거점이었던 중앙아시아의 카얄릭(Qayaligh) 지방과 중원 내지와의 관계를 고찰해 보는 것이다. 이 비문 내용을 근거로 청년기 카이도의 상황을 원사(元史) 등의 한문 사료와 집사(集史) 등의 페르시아 자료 등과 비교해 보았다. 이 비문의 분석을 통해 카이도에게 ‘태자(太子)’라는 신분 칭호가 있다고 하여, 그가 멍케와 쿠빌라이 등 톨로이 가문의 사람들과 대립 관계를 세우려던 ‘정통 유목형 황금씨족(Altan Uru)’의 대변인이었을 것이라는 예단(豫斷)은 옳지가 않다. 청년기 카이도는 대칸의 권위를 인정하고, 대칸에게서 배정 받은 현재 중국 하남성 일대의 지역을 장악하고 대칸으로부터의 은사(恩賜)를 받던 칭기스칸의 황금씨족들 가운데 일원이었다.

[학술답사] 북방유목문화의 고도(古都)를 찾아서

류병재 단국대학교 몽골연구소 2012 Mongolian Survey Vol.2 No.1

[솔리드 인포메이션] 중국 내몽골

류병재 단국대학교 몽골연구소 2011 Mongolian Survey Vol.1 No.1

[Solid information] 중국 내몽골 뉴스

류병재 단국대학교 몽골연구소 2013 Mongolian Survey Vol.3 No.1

카단(Qadan)의 고려 침입 전후(前後) 상황과 고려․대원올로스 연합군의 대응

류병재 한국몽골학회 2021 몽골학 Vol.0 No.64

This study examined specifically about what the cause and purpose of the Qadan(哈丹) faction’s invasion of Koryŏ and about a countermeasure of the Koryŏ Royal Court and the Dayuan(大元) ulus following the invasion of Koryŏ. The rebellion by the Princes of Eastern ulus under Nayan(乃顔) turned out a failure in 1287. But Qadan, who rallied the remnants of the party, continued to proceed with the revolt. Qadan’s insurrection can be divided largely into two things. In the first place, it is the period of having fought back Dayuan ulus in the eastern parts of Mongolia with succeeding to Nayan’s uprising. It belongs to the term between the year in 1287 with the beginning of Nayan’s rebellion and the year in 1289. The Princes of Eastern ulus who are being based in eastern Mongolia such as Nayan and Qadan played a great role in Qubilai's reign. However, Qubilai's walking after seizing the power of the Great Khan was what strengthened the centralization of power and controlled the decentralization through the Branch Secretariats(xing zhongshusheng, 行中書省). It was experienced that Nayan was killed in a failed revolt and that the forces under his command were scattered. Yet Qadan and his factions, who judged that there is nothing but to lose the control and the power in eastern Mongolia, which had been continued for generations since the Genghis Khan period, could not help keeping challenging the Great Khan Qubilai. In the second period, the rebellion activity in eastern Mongolia resulted in having been blocked by the Dayuan ulus army. And the Qadan power that took a big hit ended in entering Koryŏ with invasion. The Qadan power that attacked to enter Koryŏ in the 16th year of King Chungnyeol(忠烈王) was enough to restore nightmare on the former Yeke Mongol ulus’s invasion of Koryŏ. The invasion of Koryŏ by the Mongolian Armed Forces was threatening enough for the Koryŏ Royal Court to have planned ‘relocation of the government to Gang’hwa’ once again as soon as they invaded and came in. Nevertheless, a relationship between Koryŏ and Dayuan ulus during the reign of King Chungnyeol was close, thereby having militarily had a very cooperative relationship such as what both sides mutually lavish the military support arms. The Qadan army, which had advanced southward to Wonju and Chungju regions from northeastern Koryŏ, was finally destroyed in Yeongi area in May of 1291 by the allied forces between Koryŏ·Mongolia.

미래의 비재래형 에너지자원 천연가스 하이드레이트

류병재 한국에너지협의회 2002 에너지協議會報 Vol.61 No.-

[탐방] (주)카스교역 - 엑스필

류병재 단국대학교 몽골연구소 2011 Mongolian Survey Vol.1 No.1

《상국도감태부묘지명(上國都監太傅墓志銘)》에 보이는 ‘신라(新羅)’와 거란문자 ‘sh-ul-ó-úr’ 관계 일고찰

류병재 한국몽골학회 2020 몽골학 Vol.0 No.63

This study carried out Yeokju(譯註, translate and annotate) on the Chinese-language cemetery name dubbed 《Shang-guo-dou-jian-taifu Epitaph(上國都監太傅墓志銘)》 that is exhibited in the Chinese National Ancient-Writing Exhibition Hall on the third floor of the National Museum at MINZU UNIVERSITY OF CHINA(中央民族大学) in Beijing. The rubbing of an inscription(拓本) for the epitaph with Khitan large script(契丹大字)(《Heun-deuk-eun-tae-bu epitaph[痕得隐太傅墓志]》), which is presumed to be likely the same tomb occupant(墓主), is also displayed simultaneously. However, the real thing in these two rubbed copies cannot be currently known its whereabouts. Based on the contents of the rubbed copies, we can confirm that these two epitaphs were set up on May 28th(五月二十八日) in the 10th year of Eungryeok(應曆十年, Year in 960) during the reign of King Mokjong(穆宗) in the Liao Dynasty as the earliest era among epitaphs with Khitan large script that have been found so far. The epitaph with Khitan large script and the epitaph with Chinese character exist at the same time. But these two epitaph contents are not perfectly corresponded. Through the work of analyzing Yeokju(譯註, translate and annotate) in 《Shang-guo-dou-jian-taifu epitaph(上國都監太傅墓志銘)》, we could check a tomb occupant’s public service experience and merit based on the epitaph with Chinese character. These details were comparatively analyzed through Liao-shi(遼史). Also, the attempt was progressed for trying to compare Khitan large script, which corresponds to “Silla” of appearing in the texts, by searching it in the epitaph with Khitan large script(《Heun-deuk-eun-tae-bu epitaph[痕得隐太傅墓志]》). According to the prior research of Aisin Gioro Ulhichun(愛新覺羅 烏拉熙春), the epitaph with Khitan large script is being considered to be formed the mainstream by primarily recording a tomb occupant(墓主)’s ancestors and family members. And the epitaph with Khitan large script is being claimed that the Khitan large script of corresponding to ‘Silla’ is ‘Sulwur.’ Nevertheless, it was verified to be unreasonable to conclude that his assertion is right when comparing the epitaph with the previous Khitan large script and the epitaph with the relevant Khitan large script. A fact was verified to still require diverse comparative researches along with the excavation of more materials in order to accurately decode Khitan large script. 본 논문은 중국 북경 중앙민족대학 민족박물관 3층 중국민족고문자전시실에 전시되어 있는 《상국도감태부묘지명(上國都監太傅墓志銘)》이라는 한문 묘지명에 대한 역주를 수행하였다. 동일한 묘주(墓主)일 것으로 추정하는 거란대자 묘지명(《痕得隐太傅墓志》)의 탁본도 동시에 전시되어 있다. 그러나 이 두 탁본의 실물은 현재 그 행방을 알 수 없다. 우리는 탁본의 내용을 토대로 이 두 비문이 현재까지 발견된 거란대자 묘지 가운데 가장 이른 시대로 요나라 목종(穆宗) 응력10년(應曆十年, 960년) 5월 28일(五月二十八日)에 세워졌다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 거란대자 묘지와 한문비문이 동시에 존재하지만 이 두 묘지 내용이 완벽하게 대응되지는 않는다. 우리는《상국도감태부묘지명(上國都監太傅墓志銘)》의 역주분석 작업을 통해 한문 묘지명에는 묘주의 관직 경력과 공훈을 확인할 수 있었다. 이 내용을 遼史를 통해 비교분석하였다. 또한 그 내용에 등장하는 “신라”에 대응하는 거란대자를 거란대자 묘지명《痕得隐太傅墓志》에서 찾아 비교하려는 시도를 진행해 보았다. 愛新覺羅 烏拉熙春의 선행 연구에 따르면, 거란대자 묘지명에는 주로 묘주(墓主)의 선조와 가족들의 기록이 주를 이루고 있다고 보고 있다. 그리고 거란대자 묘지명에는 ‘신라’에 대응하는 거란대자가 ‘Sulwur’라고 주장하고 있다. 그러나 이전의 거란대자 묘지명의 해당 거란대자와 비교해 볼 때 그의 주장이 옳다고 결론짓기는 무리임을 확인하였다. 정확한 거란대자 해독을 위해서는 여전히 더 많은 자료 발굴과 다양한 비교 연구가 필요하다는 사실을 확인하였다.

[특집 I] 단국대학교 몽골학과 20년 발자취

류병재 단국대학교 몽골연구소 2014 Mongolian Survey Vol.4 No.1

몽골과 중국의 경제·외교적 변화양상에 관한 시론적 연구 - 양국 간 조약 및 의정서를 중심으로-

류병재,송병구 한국몽골학회 2019 몽골학 Vol.0 No.59

The purpose of this study is to analyze domestic and foreign background that Mongolia and China confronted at that time and to attempt an exploratory analysis on which influence these treaties and protocols had upon the development in the two nations through examining about diverse treaties(條約) and protocols(議定書) that were established between Mongolia and China. Both Mongolia and China formed diplomatic ties on October 16, 1949, and then signed “Border Treaty between the People's Republic of China and the Mongolian People's Republic” in Beijing on December 26 of the same year. Protocols for rail connection and operation were signed such as Protocol for the Construction of Railways, which was created among three parties of China, Mongolia and the Soviet Union(Union of Soviet Socialist Republic) in 1952, and “Protocol for a Border Railway between China and Mongolia” in 1955. Both Mongolia and China comes to begin a substantial bilateral exchange starting with the operation of railroad, which passes over it, along with the border that came to be definite through the border treaty and the railway protocol after forming amity in 1949. The bilateral relationship was made official ties on the basis of "good neighbourly" relations in 1949, was temporarily cut off diplomatic relations between the two countries due to the escalation of a dispute between China and the Soviet Union in the 1960s and to following the Soviet Union by the Mongolian People's Republic, and then was ever restored according to the improvement in the relationship between China and the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Both Mongolia and China formed "Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between the People's Republic of China and the Mongolian People's Republic" in 1994, and developed into “good-neighbor and mutual trust partnership” in 2003. The two countries developed into “strategic partnership[战略伙伴关系, стратегийн түншлэлийн харилцаа]” in 2011. Especially, Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Mongolia in August of 2014 leads to the elevation to “Complete strategic partnership[全面战略伙伴关系, Иж бүрэн стратегийн түншлэлийн харилцаа]” in the two nations, thereby celebrating the 70th anniversary of diplomatic ties in 2019. However, in the economic aspect, the bilateral relationship is in a situation that Mongolian economy relies excessively upon China. China is No. 1 trading partner of Mongolia. Its trade scale tends to grow year after year. This study is an exploratory research for a general analysis on Mongolia-China relationship. Diplomatic relations for 70 years between Mongolia and China are examined focusing on treaties and protocols out of research materials between the two nations. In particular, it looks into which role it played in the current relationship between Mongolia and China while confirming what the bilateral exchange was begun through the border treaty from the establishment of diplomatic ties, and verifying which ones were included in the treaties and agreements at that time.